Optimality Theory and the Generative Complexity of Constraint Violability

Robert Frank · Giorgio Satta

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Phonetics and Phonology Research Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation semigroups and automata theory

Abstract

It has been argued that rule-based phonological descriptions can uniformly be expressed as map-pings carried out by finite-state transducers, and therefore fall within the class of rational relations. If this property of generative capacity is an empirically correct characterization of phonological mappings, it should hold of any sufficiently restrictive theory of phonology, whether it utilizes con-straints or rewrite rules. In this paper, we investigate the conditions under which the phonological descriptions that are possible within the view of constraint interaction embodied in Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993) remain within the class of rational relations. We show that this is true when GEN is itself a rational relation, and each of the constraints distinguishes among finitely many regular sets of candidates. 1.

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References

1995Faithfulness and Reduplicative Identity 1994Principles of English Stress 1972Formal Aspects of Phonological Description 1987Computational complexity and natural language 1987ON CONSTRAINTS AND REPAIR STRATEGIES 1995Computational Optimality Theory 1994Phonological derivation in optimality theory 1994One-level phonology: autosegmental representations and rules as finite automata

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