A tonal semi-reversal in Franconian dialects

Abstract

This paper examines the genesis of a tonal semi-reversal in Franconian tone accent dialects, the so-called Rule A vs. Rule B. Contrary to the traditional assumption, the reversal takes place only under declarative intonation, but not in interrogatives. To account for the semi-reversal, I provide a scenario in which Rule A and Rule B derive from a common predecessor system, which I refer to as Rule 0. These novel findings have important consequences for our understanding of the accent genesis in general: I argue that a combination of my approach for the split with duration-based genesis scenarios leads to a plausible account. As the paper discusses in detail, it is problematic to adapt (previous) alternative proposals to the full data set.

Cite this work

No public copy is stored for this record, so only the metadata is cited.

Stored only when both papers are in the corpus — 19 citations exist upstream.

Papers that cite the same references — the relational fallback while embeddings are still backfilling.