Who Needs African Studies?

Abstract

marginal, and misunderstood. They complain frequently about the ignorance and indifference of the public, the media, and the politicians. Whether their complaints are justified or not, their sense of isolation may make them unusually sensitive to questions of professional identity and purpose-a sensitivity sharpened by the facts of Africa's past and present and the emotions both arouse. These problems are not unique to scholars in African studies. Others in area studies experience them, as do all the millions whose positions in the eyes of the public are unpopular, suspect, or simply insignificant. The symptoms of those in love-starved professions are well known: high suicide rates, chronic introspection, incessant organizational busy-work, and an obsession with titles and qualifications. Yet sociologists (perhaps for fear of infection) have not given much attention to the professional pathology of academia. The applied social sciences, however, are another matter. An especially intriguing case for our present purpose is that of the American planning profession as described by Martin Rein (1972: 426ff). The planners, Rein noted, underwent an extended legitimacy crisis in the course of which they cast about for a formula which would establish their identity, justify their existence, and secure them a clientele. Eventually four such formulas (summarized as expertise, bureaucratic position, consumer preference, and professional values) were defined. Each formula contained answers to such questions as: Whom or what do I serve? What service do I provide? Why is that service useful (and better than that offered by rivals)? And, how should the service be performed and evaluated? This article argues that Africanists have faced a similar crisis, and they have sought similar formulas which embody answers to broadly similar questions. For Africanists, the crisis has been protracted and conflict has at times been intense (notably the African Studies Association's 1969 conference in Montreal when the proceedings were interrupted by black radicals and the entire meeting was given over to argument regarding the loyalties and priorities that Africanist scholars should adopt). Such episodes tend to obscure the perennial nature of the issues involved and the cyclical nature of the solutions proposed. Moreover, Africanists as a group have not shown much interest in the structure of the debate itself (as distinct from the righteousness of their individual positions).' Five formulas, derived from an extensive study of material dealing with the development and aims of African studies in the United States, are outlined below.

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