Permeable Boundaries: Abolitionist Women and Separate Spheres

Abstract

In early days of organized antislavery, letter London Female Antislavery Society recently established Female Antislavery Society in Reading, Massachusetts, appeared in Liberator. In letter, London society encouraged Reading association persevere in its work for immediate emancipation, no matter what obstacles it encountered. Warning their American counterparts ignore the plausible reasonings of any who try turn you aside, English women explained that commitment antislavery cause did not demand any departures from that propriety which allots sex its peculiar sphere of usefulness. This reassurance implied restricted role for antislavery women focused on stirring up the more active efforts of male connection and reading, conversing, and praying within family circle.1 Initially, Garrison and other male leaders shared similar notions of what women might do aid against slavery. As recent scholarship has amply demonstrated, however, most middle-class white and black women abolitionists gradually moved beyond antislavery efforts that were private and domestic in nature (like prayer or support for free produce movement).2 Because they believed that abolitionism was not only moral question but also public issue, women routinely engaged in activities that took them into public arena. As organizers of Boston Fair, which attracted large crowds every year, pointed out, their main objective was to keep subject [of immediate emancipation] before public eye, and by every innocent expedient promote perpetual discussion.3 Sharing this perception of necessity of involving themselves in public non-Garrisonian Anti-Slavery Sewing Circle of Dover, New Hampshire, decided in 1857 promote public discussion of national questions by organizing a meeting of citizens of Dover in behalf of Kansas.4 Although records of Sewing Circle do not reveal whether any Dover residents questioned legitimacy of women calling town meeting, many antislavery activities attracted furious responses critics who claimed that women were out of their sphere. Whether responding criticism or reflecting on meaning of their commitment, abolitionist women proved adept at exploiting, subverting, and contesting conservative definitions of appropriate female behavior. Even when they did not agree among themselves, antislavery women blurred distinctions between private and public, expanded parameters of woman's sphere, and suggested alternative meanings for gender norms.5 The activities and written records of abolitionist women are useful reminder of nature of social, cultural, and economic changes in antebellum period. Just as class divisions were imprecise, and membership and meaning of middle class were not yet set, notions of gender were in process of construction. In fluid society, meaning of key concepts like propriety and female decorum were contested. Whether they eventually subscribed women's rights or not, many abolitionist women (and men) found themselves engaged in definitional that notion of distinct spheres obscures.6 The was one that took place on nonverbal as well as verbal level. James Vernon and others have demonstrated importance of analyzing politics cultural perspective. This approach broadens understanding of political activity and illuminates political culture as an arena of struggle between groups, each with its own definition of politics and participation. In this arena, material objects as well as use of time and space offer fruitful evidence for understanding political action. Three events staged by antislavery women in 1840s are good examples of political culture of female antislavery. By examining them closely, we can see ways in which women's antislavery activities asserted their right participate in public world and shape popular political culture. …

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