The Restoration Dramatic Dedication as Symbolic Capital

Abstract

TheRestorationDramaticDedication as Symbolic Capital DEBORAHC.PAYNE Dedication,thatwriterlyhabitofaffixinglettersofpraisetoprinted textsinthehopeofsecuring(orpublicizing)patronage,becamesocom- monduringtheRestorationthateventhelowlyplaytext,oncethought toodéclassétoeverparadesuchpanegyricalfinery,begansportingthis mosthautainofeulogisticgarb.Earlierintheseventeenthcenturyplays asprintedmatterweretoocommontowarrantpatronalinterest;indeed, theyweretoocommonbyfartodeserveinclusioninEurope'sfirstpublic library,ifReliquiaeBodleianae,SirThomasBodley'sepistolaryaccount oftheestablishmentoftheBodleianLibraryin1604,isanyindication. ToDr.ThomasJames'squeryastowhetherheshouldbepurchasing playsforthenewlyformedcollection,Bodleygivesthefollowinghorri- fiedresponse:"Wereitsoagain,thatsomelittleprofitmightbereaped (whichGodknowsisverylittle)outofsomeofourPlay-Books,the benefitthereof,willnothingnearCountervail,theharmthattheScandal willbringupontheLibrary,whenitshallbegivenout,thatwestuff'dit fullofBaggageBooks."1 Clearly,SirThomasBodley'ssentimentwasnolongersharedbyRestorationcultureatlarge .Thesepublications(whichBodleygroups togetherwithalmanacsandbroadsideballadsinhishierarchyofliterary genres)becametheinscribedcompanionstopeersandgentlemen;more- over,theywereavidlypennedbypeersandgentlemen,andnowhereis 27 28 / PAYNE thatsnugclassalliancemoreapparentthaninthededicationsthatnewly gracedwhatSirThomasBodleyhadoncescornedas"BaggageBooks" somefiftyyearsearlier. StanleyL.Archerobservesthatoutofthe472playswrittenbetween 1660and1700,some"258(slightlyoverhalf)beardedications."2Archer furthernotesthatiffacetiousandnon-authorialdedicationsareexcluded fromtheoverallcount,"theresultwillshowthatabouthalfofallplays appealforpatronage"(8).Yetinoneofthefewessayseverpublishedon thesubjectofeighteenth-centuryliterarypatronage,PaulJ.Korshin concludesthatpatronage,onceastronginfluenceontheproductionof Renaissanceliterature,wasalreadyinevidentdeclinebytheRestora- tion.3InKorshin'steleologicalreading,subscriptionandbooksellergrad- uallysupplantedhierarchicalpatronage,thuspavingthewayforthe democratizedreadershipoftheeighteenthcentury.Morerecently, WilliamH.Epsteinhasexaminedthistransitionbetweenliterarymarket- placesinlessidealizedterms:"Hencemid-eighteenth-centuryauthorship wasnolongerawayofannouncingorreaffirmingone'sacceptanceor positioninthetraditionalsociopoliticalstructuresofauthority.Thecele- bratedobservationappendedtooneofJohnson'sDictionary'sdefini- tionsof'patron'('Commonlyawretchwhosupportswithinsolence,and ispaidwithflattery')pointstothisculturalshift."4 Twoproblemsarisefromthisapproachtoliterarypatronage.First, thecarefullydrawnlineofdevelopmentfromtheRenaissancetothe eighteenthcenturyderivesfroma"progressive"notionofculturein whichwriters,oncetheplaythingsofindifferentpatrons,arenowfreeto selltheirwaresinaself-regulatingmarketplace.That"freedom,"as Epsteinshrewdlyobserves,wasnotwithoutitsownexactingprice:The writercouldonlyvalorizehisauthorshipbyassertinghisindependence andisolationfrombothhierarchicalauthoritystructuresandthereading public.5Nonetheless,Epstein'sreadingsubsumesthe"clear"movement frompatronaltobourgeoismarketplaceputforthbyKorshin.WhileI amnotdenyingtheoverallepistemicshifttoaprint-dominatedculturein theeighteenthcentury,withalloftheattendantrepercussionsforwrit- ers,Iamquestioningtwounderlyingassumptionsthathaveinformed priordiscussionsofpatronage:1)thataristocraticpatronagewasclearly enfeebledasaculturalpracticebytheRestoration;and2)thattheshift toaself-regulatingliterarymarketplacebythemid-eighteenthcentury precludedotherformsofliteraryproduction. WellbeforethetimeofJohnson'sfamousdefinition,anumberof writerscomplainedaboutaculturalmarketplacethatstilltradedheavily inpatronage,acollectivegrumpingwhichinturnsuggeststhatthecornmodificationofprintedtextshadnotyetsupplantedthecourtlytradition TheRestorationDramaticDedication/29 ofletters.Oneneedonlyrecallthe"EpistleDedicatory,toHisRoyal HighnessPrincePosterity"prefacingSwift'strenchantsatire,ATaleofa Tub,in1704;ortheaccusationthat"YourDedicatorsareaSortof IntelectualTaylors,thatcutoutCloathsforaGreatMan'sMindwithout evertakingMeasureofit"underlyingThomasGordon'sscornfulpamphlet ,"ADedicationtoaGreatMan,ConcerningDedications,"in1719; orevenPope'sproudclaimthatheremained"AboveaPatron,tho'I condescend/SometimestocallaMinistermyFriend"surfacinginthe "EpistletoDr.Arbuthnot"in1735.6Littlewonder,then,thatbythetime SamuelJohnsoncomposedhis"LifeofDryden"in1779hecouldaverof Dryden'splayswiththemostunselfconsciousseverity:"Almostevery piecehadadedicationwrittenwithsucheleganceandluxurianceof praiseasneitherhaughtinessnoravaricecouldbeimaginedabletoresist. Butheseemstohavemadeflatterytoocheap.Thatpraiseisworth nothingofwhichthepriceisknown."7 Atthesametime,weshouldrefrainfromthehastyconclusionthat suchstatementssoundedthedeathknellofpatronalrelations.Although, asAlvinKernannotes,literarypatronagewasbecomingincreasingly antiquatedbythesecondhalfoftheeighteenthcentury,evenGeorgeIII uponascendingthethrone"gatheredintohishandsthereinsofpatron- ageinordertofurtherhisintention'tobeaking.'"8Andmoregeneral formsofpoliticalandaristocraticfavoritismexistedwellintotheearly nineteenthcentury,asMariaEdgeworth'snovelPatronage(1814)indi- cates.Evenwithintherealmofthetheater,aristocratscontinuedto acceptentreatiesforpatronagefromdramatistsandtodisplaytheir theatricaltastebysittingonthestageduringperformances.Despite DavidGarrick'srepeatedeffortstoremovethem,sostronglydidthenobilityinsistuponthissymbolicdominationofthetheaterthatlegislationprohibitingtheirpresenceonthestagewasnotpasseduntiltheearly 1760s,bothinEnglandandFrance.9Theemergenceofabourgeoismar- ketplaceregulatedbytheeconomicsofprinthadcreatedaspacefor oppositiontoliterarypatronage(nottomentionthepossibilityofdefin- ingone'sselfasanon-patronized,"independent"writer).Butprintcul- turecertainlyhadnotdisplacedpatronageutterly,asthesomewhatshrill tonetotheprotestsenumeratedabovemightreveal.Afterall,oneneed notprotestaculturalpracticethatnolongerdominatessocialrelations. Thesecondproblemarisesfromthetooeasyconclusionthatthe crown'slackofdirectfinancialsupportforintellectualsandartistsbeto- kensthedemiseoftraditionalpatronage.SincetheTreasuryBooks,the bestsourceofinformationonthistopic,recordfewpaymentstoliterary figuresduringtheRestorationandevenfewerduringtheeighteenth century,theconclusionisself-evident:Patronagewasalreadyindecline 30 / PAYNE bythelateseventeenthcentury.Suchdeductivereasoning,however, assumesthatpatronageentailssolelythetransmissionoffundsfromthe courttoartists,anarroweconomicdefinitionindeedandonewhichfails totakeintoaccountpatronage'scentralimportanceasavaluesystem structuringsocialrelationships.10DuringtheRestorationandeighteenth century,patronalnetworksincludednotjustthecourt,butinterested peers,gentry,governmentministers,theuniversities,thechurch,book- sellers,theatricalmanagers,indeed,anyonewhopossessedtheauthority toexert"influence."" Aboveallelse,patronageprovidesaccesstomarketplacesandprotec- tionfromenemiesandcompetitors.12ForRestorationdramatists,whose furiousscribblingofepistolarydedicationsfaroutstrippedthatoftheir earlierseventeenth-centurypredecessors,patronagemeantvitalsupport intheplayhouse(thinkofthenumerousallusionstorivalfactions quelledbytheapprovingsmileofapeer).13Patronageofferedprotection fromviolence(recallSirWilliamCoventry'sthreatinMarchof1669to theactorpersonatinghiminTheCountryGentleman,that"hewouldnot complaintomyLordChamberlain,whichwastooweak,norgethim beaten,asSirCh.Sidlyissaidtodo,butthathewouldcausehisnoseto becut").14PatronagealsoprovidedaccesstobooksellerssuchasJacob Tonsonwho,despiteDryden'sgrumblingtothecontrary,wasmuch fairerwithhisstableofdramatiststhanhisfellowbooksellers.15And, mostimportantofall,patronageeasedthewaytowardintroductionto thetwotheatermanagerswhoexercisedavirtualmonopolyoverall licensedtheatricalactivityintheLondonofthe1660sand1670s.16 LestweminimizethislastbenefitofRestorationpatronage,weneed onlyrecallthatbetween1660and1665ofthenineteennewplaysstaged bytheKing'sCompany,sevenwerebytheprolificHowards;threeby theirbrother-in-lawDryden;threebyvariousKilligrewfamilymembers; onebytheearlofOrrery,backedbytherecommendationofCharlesII, andonebyactor-sharerJohnLacy,anotherpetoftheking's.AsRobert Humeobserves,"atleastfifteenofthenineteenplaysarebyfriends, relativesandinsiders."17Clearly,thisisnotheatricalmarketplaceofthe 1590s;noPhillipHensloweorChristopherBeestonexistswhowillfunctionasaconduitforthehumbly -bornbutambitiousJonsonsand Dekkersoftheworld.18Eventhisbriefestofaccountsrevealsthatthe progressiveliterarymodelpredicatedonthemovementfromhierarchical patronagetoaself-regulatingliterarymarketplacesimplydoesnothold trueduringtheRestoration,atleastnotintherealmofthetheater.If anything,thecourseoflettersduringtheseventeenthcenturyisastudyin morepatronage,notless,duetotwofactors:thedeliberatelimitationof avenuesofaccess,andcompetingmodesofdominationforthetheater. TheRestorationDramaticDedication/31 Anotherproblemariseswhenweapplyarestricteddefinitionofeco- nomicinteresttopatron/clientrelationswhichstilldisplaysomeofthe characteristicsofwhatthesocialanthropologistPierreBourdieumight call"anarchaiceconomy."InOutlineofaTheoryofPracticeBourdieu warnsagainstcriticismwhichanachronisticallydivorceseconomicsfrom the"pure"realmofculture,thusapplyingapost-capitalistcritiqueto societieswhichthemselvesdonotdifferentiatebetweennon-economic andeconomiccapital.19Ifwerestrictthedefinitionofpatronagetomean purelymaterialsupport—adefinitionwhichisitselfthehistoricalprod- uctofcapitalism—thentheproliferationofdedicationsduringtheResto- rationtopeersandgentrymakeslittlesense.Paymentforunsolicited dedicationswasoftenunmet;furthermore,the£5to£10customarily paidforaflatteringtributewouldhardlybeworththebother,especially ifmeasuredagainstmoreremunerativemeansofraisingrevenue,suchas thirdnightboxofficeproceeds.20Nordoesmereeconomismexplainthe activeparticipationofthepeerageandupper-fractionofthegentryinthe lifeofthetheater.Whyshouldgentlemenandaristocratssuddenlybegin scribblingplays?Orcareaboutthosewhodotothepointofduels, threats,andbeatings? Onlybyextendingeconomiccalculation,inPierreBourdieu'swords, "toallgoods,materialandsymbolic,withoutdistinction,thatpresent themselvesasbeingrareandworthyofbeingsoughtafterinaparticular socialformation"(178)canwebegintoappreciatethecultureofdra- maticpatronageduringtheRestoration.Thestrategyofaccumulatinga capitalofhonorandprestige,especiallyinasocietypoisedbetweenthe archaiceconomyofgiftexchangeandaself-regulatingmarketplace, presentsanopportunitytoconverttherenownattachedtoafamilyname backintoeconomiccapital.Wemightrecall,forexample,thatRoger Boyle,theearlofOrrery,solidifiedhisrelationswiththecrownby producingaseriesofheroictragediesatcourt.NotonlydidBoyleoffer theseplaysaspublicpenanceforhispartintheIrishrebellionsandhis collusionwiththeProtectorate,buttheyalsofunctionedasavirtual guarantee—asymbolicadvance,ifyouwill—forhislandsandtitles (whichCharlesdidindeedreinstate).AlthoughClarendonharshlycriti- cizedBoyleforpoliticalcollusionwithCromwell,Charlessignifiedhis graciousreceiptofthisnewpledgeoffealtybyorderingtheproduction ofHenryV,Boyle'sfirstplay.ThomasKilligrew,aroyalfavoriteand manageroftheKing'sCompany,wascommandedtostagetheplayat court,andtheactorsperformingHenryV,OwenTudor,andthedukeof Burgundyweredressedin,respectively,thecoronationsuitsofCharles, thedukeofYork,andthedukeofOxford.21Thusweseefirsthandhow 32 / PAYNE theatricalexhibitionofsymboliccapital,alwaysacostlybusiness,isone ofthemeansformakingcapitalproducecapital. Likewise,thepracticeofdedication—whicheconomismviewsasmere "flattery"or"sheerredundancy"—onlymakessensewhenunderstoodin thesetheoreticalterms.The"great,"tousethatwordwhichbecomesso ladenwithunsavoryinnuendobythetimeofFielding'sJonathanWild (1743),arestillexpectedduringtheRestorationtoshowthattheyare worthyoftheirrankbyshoweringmaterialandsymbolicprotection upontheirdependents.22Butthat"protection"frompatronsdependsin turnupononeoftwomeansofexercizingalastingholdovertheclient: 1)giftsordebts,bothofwhichentailoverteconomicobligations;or,2) the"affective"obligationscreatedandmaintainedbytheasymmetrical exchangeofsymbolicviolence.Eithermeansensuresthatrelationsof dominationcanbeestablished,maintained,or—intheEnglandof 1660—restored.TheRestorationdedicationfunctionssimultaneouslyas thesiteforgiftandaffectiveobligation,whetherinitiatedbypatronor client.23Iftheclientapproachesthepatron,hopingforpermissionto dedicateaplayorpoem—andpermissionwasnecessaryintheinstance oftheimmediateroyalfamily—thatveryapproachacknowledgesthe patron'sdominantpositioninthegame.Theclientfortunateenoughto securesuchapprovalthenhopestoincurthepatron'sgratitude,itselfa kindofsymbolicdebtthathewillbeabletobankoninthefuture throughtheaccumulationoffurthereconomicornon-economiccapital. Successfulwritersaccruedbothformsofcapital,asthefirsthalfof Dryden'scareertestifies.OneChristmashereceivedanunexpected bountyof£100slippedunderhisdinnerplateatthecountryhouseofthe earlofDorset,oneofhismoremunificentpatrons.24Symboliccapital aboundedaswell;inJuly1677hecasuallybutcarefullymentionsina letterthatthekinghimselfproposedatopicforacomedy—probablyMr. Limberham;or,TheKindKeeper.25Inthatparticularinstance,though, Drydenmiscalculatedbothhisownworthandtheextentoftheking's interest,akindofpsychologicalover-investmentwhichcaneasilyoccur duringsuchstrategiesofsymbolicexchange.Drydenmostlikelyperson- atedtheincreasinglyvulnerableearlofShaftesburyinthecharacterof thekindkeeper,Limberham,andtheplaywaspulledfromtheboards afterthreenightsinMarch1678. Theclienthopingtoincuranobligationfromhispatronpledgesa literarytext(oftenfiguredasasacrificial"child"inthelanguageofthe dedication),hisobedience,hisloyaltyandhisutmostgratitude—in short,allofthevirtuesupheldbythecodeofhonor—inhopeofthe patron'sexchangeofthefollowing"gifts":hisfamilyname,perhapsa fewpounds,maybeafavorablewordtoanauspiciousbookseller,or TheRestorationDramaticDedication/33 evenoneofthetheatermanagers.Themoreanxietyaclienthasabouthis relativepositionwithinparticularsocialtrajectories,nottomentionthe "value"ofhisownnamewithintheliterary/socialmarketplace,themore hislanguagewithinthededicationwillrehearseoneofseveralrhetorical strategiesintendedtodisguisesuchambivalence.Thus,AphraBehndoes notevenattemptadedicationuntilshehassomethingtobarter;herearly dialoguesinprintconductskirmisheswithananonymousaudienceof readers.26Andbecauseshehasnothingtohazardatthatpointinher career,Behncheerfullypokesfunatthemisogynistsintheaudience, assertsherfitnessasawriter,andupholdsentertainment,notmoral instruction,asthetrueendofcomedy.27Herliminalpositionbetween 1670and1676allowsforadistinctivelyfeistyvoiceinthoseearlypre- facesthathersubsequentdedicationstopeersfrom1681onnever recover.28 TheRover,initsactionavirtualpaeantoroyalistauthority,represents herfirstseriousbidforcourtpatronage.Thatitsucceededisborneout bythedukeofYork'srequestforasequel,arequestwhichBehnturnsto hardcurrencyinherdedicationtotheTheRover,PartII.Behnproudly announces"theincouragementYourroyalHighnesswaspleas'dtogive theRoverathisfirstappearance,andtheconcernYouwerepleas'dto haveforhissecond."29Knowingthattheprince'sinterestissecure,Behn pledgesofherowngift: tolayhimatYourfeet;heisawanderertoo,distrest;belov'd,the unfortunate,andeverconstanttoLoyalty;wereheLegionsheshould followandsufferstillwithsoExcellentaPrinceandMaster...Pardon methen,GreatSir,ifIpresumetopresentmyfaithfulSoldier,(which noStormsofFatecaneverdrawfromhisObedience)tosogreata General:allowhim,RoyalSir,ashelterandprotection,whowasdriven fromhisNativeCountrywithYou,forc'dasYouwere,tofightforhis BreadinaStrangeLand.... (1:113-14) ThroughthisextendedanalogyBehn'splay,setinacavalier Neverneverlandofthe1650s,becomesmorethanavehicleforroyalist mythmaking.Hergiftoftheplay,presentedinexchangefortheprince's goodname,inturnistransfiguredbyhisacknowledgmentintothewan- deringRoverhimself,asthoughpatronalauthoritypossessedtheability tobreathelifeintohermerely"literary"character.Moreover...

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