Topics and clitics in Greek relatives

Abstract

In Greek clauses Topical Objects can be expressed by both an NP and a clitic pronoun - a ‘doubling clitic’. In relative clauses introduced by the invariant relativizer pu, clitics - ‘resumptive clitics’ - can represent the antecedent. Previous studies show that the conditions for clitic doubling and resumption are not identical. The main purpose of the paper is to refine the understanding of these conditions and to refine the exact relation between the two phenomena. The differences between doubling and resumption will be explained in terms of independently needed hypotheses, esp. the claim that an antecedent is a Topic of the relative clause, the Keenan-Comrie Accessibility Hierarchy, and the ‘Clitic Host Constraint’.

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