Contrastive topics and non-contrastive topics in Japanese generally receive separate treatments in the literature: although they are both marked by the particle wa , the former carry tone prominence and only optionally move to clause-initial position, while the latter (Kuno's [1973] ‘theme’) do not carry tone prominence and typically occupy clause-initial position. This paper presents arguments that contrary to this standard view, topics in Japanese, contrastive or non-contrastive, must occupy clause-initial position. Evidence comes from examining the syntactic and interpretive properties of both types of wa- marked phrases in various discourse contexts. First, a tonally prominent wa -phrase must move to clause-initial position in contexts that require a contrastive topic. Second, in contexts that allow a tonally prominent wa -phrase to remain in situ, the relevant phrase is not interpreted as a topic and cannot move to clause-initial position. Third, tonally prominent wa- phrases displaced to clause-initial position show the syntactic distribution of topics that are predicted by considerations at the syntax-information structure interface, but those in situ do not. Finally, despite the general consensus, there are limited circumstances in which tonally non-prominent wa -phrases can occupy a non-initial position. The article presents syntactic and interpretive evidence that such wa- phrases are also not topics.
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