Almost all children in the United States are spanked by their parents at some point in their lives. Spanking as a form of discipline receives support based on religious traditions (Greven, 1991) and widespread beliefs in the positive effects of corporal punishment on children (Graziano & Namaste, 1990; Straus, 1991); however, research indicates that spanking increases a child's risk of both short- and long-term negative side effects (Straus & Kaufman Kantor, in press). Having been spanked as a child and/or adolescent is related to later psychological problems including an increased chance of being depressed and thinking about suicide (Straus, in press), becoming violent and delinquent (Straus, 1991), and experiencing alienation and lower economic achievement (Straus & Gimpel, 1932; Straus, in press). Because information about these side effects raises policy concerns, family practitioners need to know as much as possible about this disciplinary strategy, starting with an understanding of how frequently and chronically parents use it and how it varies according to the social characteristics of parents and children. This article describes patterns of legally permissible violence (spanking) as preliminary to more extensive research on the causes and consequences of corporal punishment and to discussions of policy-related issues. Descriptive data inform family life educators and policy makers on the extent of the problem and whether it is limited primarily to particular groups. Description also provides a basis for research on potential correlational or causal factors. This article, therefore, provides: (a) national estimates of mothers' patterns of spanking by the age of child; (b) analyses of the relationships between selected child, maternal, and family characteristics and rates of spanking preschoolers; and (c) a discussion of spanking norms and policy recommendations for reducing the use of physical force as punishment. Data will be presented on two aspects of spanking: prevalence and chronicity. Prevalence is the percentage of mothers who reported spanking their children during the last week and chronicity refers to the frequency of maternal spanking among only those mothers who reported that they had spanked their children in the referent week. Some people use the term spanking to mean a specific type of physical punishment, such as slapping a child's buttocks. Other people use it as a generic term to include other legal forms of corporal punishment, such as slapping a child. As the research and policy arena of corporal punishment receives increasing attention, it is essential to clarify the terminology that legitimizes spanking. In the discussion, we recommend that researchers, family life educators, and policy makers use more clearly defined terminology to describe the use of physical force on children that does not carry an a priori legitimizing meaning. PREVIOUS RESEARCH Prevalence and Chronicity Prevalence data (i.e., the percentage of children spanked during a given time period) consistently indicate very high rates of spanking, especially for toddlers and preschool children. Data from a nationally representative sample of 2-, 3- and 4-year-olds indicate that 35% were spanked by parents during the preceding 12 months (Straus, 1983); Sears, Maccoby and Levin 1957) found that 99% of parents had spanked 5-year-old children at least once Additional studies support these prevalence rates (Clausen, 1966; Frude & Gross, 1979; Newson & Newson, 2963). More recent studies of high school to college age students indicate that 80% to 95% can remember being spanked at some point (Bryan & Freed, 1982; Deley, 1388; Graziano & Namaste, 1990). Research on chronicity (i.e., among those spanked, how often the spanking occurs) is much less common than research on prevalence, and also poses measurement problems because parents may not be able to remember how many times they spanked a child over a month or year. …
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