Adjacency parameters in phonology

Abstract

One motivation for nonlinear phonology is the potential for eliminating the devices of linear phonology needed to allow rules to apply to nonadjacent segments. Imposing hierarchical structure on the organization of features within a segment and allowing segments to be unspecified for certain features makes it possible to view apparently longdistance rules as rules operating between segments which are adjacent at a specified level, even though the segments are not adjacent at all levels of representation. This paper presents a theory of phonological adjacency requirements. Locality Theory is defined by a universal Locality Condition, which requires elements to be local within a plane, the Adjacency Parameter, which in turn allows rules to impose further constraints on the maximal distance between interacting segments, and by Transplanar Locality, which bans certain types of relations across featural planes. A survey of phonological processes demonstrates the generality of this theory across feature tiers.

Cite this work

No public copy is stored for this record, so only the metadata is cited.

Stored only when both papers are in the corpus — 386 citations exist upstream.

Papers that cite the same references — the relational fallback while embeddings are still backfilling.