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This article is concerned with how to characterize and constrain the typology of reduplication and affixation, given Raimy's (Representing reduplication, University of Delaware dissertation, 1999 et seq.) precedence-based theory of phonological representations as directed graphs. First, we establish a typology of attested reduplication and infixation anchor points based on an empirical survey. We then extend the search and copy algorithms proposed by Mailhot & Reiss (Biolinguistics 1: 28–48, 2007) for long-distance assimilation (harmony) processes to the morphological domain, proposing modifications to reconcile this formalism with Raimy's. Finally, we argue for an amended version of a proposal by Idsardi & Shorey (Unwinding morphology, 2007) regarding the process by which ‘looped’ representations created during the course of morphological concatenation are linearized.
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