Unexpected Narrow Scope and Reconstruction into Relative Clause

Abstract

This paper focuses on the facts concerning the “scope reconstruction” observed in relative clauses. It is shown that there are two different mechanisms which account for the relative scope between the quantified head and the quantifier inside the relative clause: (i) scope construal via the interpretation of the copy of the promoted head in its base position, and (ii) scope construal via choice function mechanism. The apparent unexpected narrow scope interpretation of the quantified head results from scope construal via the choice function mechanism which applies to the indefinite inside the relative clause. The narrow scope interpretation of the quantified head also results from scope construal via the interpretation of the copy with the presence of type (II) determiners/quantifiers that can occupy the position internal to the functional projection FP between DP and NP within the relative clause

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