Icelandic Control Is Not A-Movement: The Case from Case

Jonathan David Bobaljik · Idan Landau

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Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation Language Development and Disorders Neurobiology of Language and Bilingualism

Abstract

A rich literature on Icelandic syntax has established that infinitival complements of obligatory control verbs constitute a case assignment domain independent from the matrix clause, and in this differ systematically from all types of A-movement, which manifest case dependence/preservation. As Landau (2003) has observed, these facts provide significant counterevidence to the movement theory of control (Hornstein 1999 and subsequent work). Boeckx and Hornstein (2006a) attempt to defend this theory in light of data from Icelandic. We offer here a review of the relevant literature, and we show that Boeckx and Hornstein's reply fails on several counts. We further argue that contrary to their claims, PRO in Icelandic receives structural rather than default (nominative) case, leaving the movement theory with no account for the distinction between PRO and lexical subjects.

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1985The mental representation of grammatical relations . Edited by Joan Bresnan. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1982. Pp. 874. $35.00.2000Step by step : essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik 1976QUESTIONS IN MONTAGUE ENGLISH 1999Movement and Control 2001The syntax of silence : sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis 1995Sluicing and logical form 1985Case and grammatical functions: The Icelandic passive 1988On multiple questions and multiple WH fronting

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2015Case and grammatical relations 2013Raisingand control 2013Possessor Raising 2010Icelandic Control Really Is A-Movement: Reply to Bobaljik and Landau 2012Against the Movement Theory of Control: Another Argument from Icelandic 2010Scrambling and Control 2022Subordination and binary branching

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