Production planning constraints on allomorphy

Abstract

Cyclic theories of morphology assume that complex words are built up from inside out, and predict that the phonology of material that is compositionally added later cannot influence earlier morphological choices. In global theories of phonology/morphology like standard Optimality theory, there is no reason why such locality generalizations should hold. While one can add constraints to such theories that would force locality, a ranking without such locality effects in which a global phonological markedness constraints drives the choice of a particular affix without regard to syntactic or phonological boundaries should always be possible. In other words, this kind of theory cannot explain why locality should necessarily hold. The recorded data was forced aligned by segment and by word using the prosodylab forced-aligner.

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