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The recent phonological literature has witnessed the emergence of a significant body of research under the rubric of underspecification theory. This model of inquiry was first proposed by Kiparsky (1982), developed more deeply in Archangeli (1984), and is articulated most exhaustively in Archangeli & Pulleyblank (forthcoming a). One of the most basic assumptions advanced in these works is that for each contrastive feature one value is specified underlyingly and the other is inserted by default. Feature changing harmony, which requires both values to be underlying, is a particularly interesting challenge to this claim and appears to undermine its restrictiveness. Indeed, it figures prominently in some recent proposals, such as Steriade (1987b), to justify relaxing the theory and admit both feature values at the underlying level.
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