Articlegreen2012

A generalization concerning DP-internal ellipsis

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Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation Neurobiology of Language and Bilingualism Linguistic Studies and Language Acquisition

Abstract

In this article I consider a particular generalization concerning ellipsis within the extended nominal projection: ellipsis can target a nominal modifier only if all constituents below it are also elided. Building on an analysis of ellipsis grounded in movement to left edges, I suggest that this generalization follows from a condition on DP-internal movement proposed in Cinque (2005).

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1964ASPECTS OF THE THEORY OF SYNTAX 1994The antisymmetry of syntax 1984On the distribution and reference of empty pronouns 2005Deriving Greenberg's Universal 20 and Its Exceptions 1996Ellipsis: Functional heads, licensing, and identification. By Anne Lobeck. New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Pp. 201.2001What VP Ellipsis Can Do, and What it Can't, But Not Why 2000THE SYNTAX OF SPECIFIERS AND HEADS 2010The Syntax of Adjectives: A Comparative Study

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