Since first introduced in 2002, the concept of ‘Normative Power Europe (NPE)’ has been widely discussed among scholars of International Relations.1 In 2012, the original article on ‘normative power Europe’ was cited 1058 times, according to Google Scholar records. In contrast, few studies conceptualise emerging powers such as China and Brazil as normative powers. On the whole, the impact of emerging powers as normative powers is understudied.2 Investigating the normative preferences of emerging powers is becoming increasingly critical. For centuries, it has been Western powers that have socialised non-Western countries into the West-dominated international society. In this socialisation process, the Western powers usually tell non-Western countries how to behave appropriately and how to follow the ‘standard of civilizations’.3 The presumption is that the social norms and political values preferred by the West are the only possible way to achieve modernity.4 With the emergence of non-Western great powers in the 21st century, however, this idea is increasingly challenged.5 Emerging powers are sending a strong message to the West, ‘Stop telling us how to behave’.6 The following are recent examples. In February 2012, China joined Russia in vetoing the United Nations Security Council resolution on Syria. The veto of Russia and China derailed the latest attempt to pressure the Assad regime to end its crackdown and highlighted the normative divide in international society.7 China has been a norm-shaper in this issue area of humanitarian intervention, not a passive student of international norms. China participated fully in the United Nations debate on development of the concept of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P).8 Moreover, Brazil proactively promotes the new concept of ‘Responsibilities While Protecting’ (RWP) as a new norm of international intervention. RWP aims to establish basic criteria to assure that interventions by force always do the smallest damage possible. Brazil's proactive role is an interesting example of an emerging power trying to shape the debate on international norms.9 The global financial crisis strengthened the trend of the shifting balance of power between the emerging BRICS States (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and the West. This shifting balance of material power is changing the landscape of diplomatic influence and normative order. For instance, the ‘China model’ has gained momentum during and since the global financial crisis.10 ‘It is a popular notion among Chinese political elites, including some national leaders, that China's development model provides an alternative to Western democracy and experiences for other developing countries to learn from, while many developing countries that have introduced Western values and political systems are experiencing disorder and chaos.’11 Because of shifting power and perceptions, emerging powers have appeared as more assertive on the world stage. At Copenhagen, it became clear that Western leadership in global governance was eroding, and emerging powers such as China, India and Brazil demonstrated their solidarity by rejecting the Western agenda. The Copenhagen climate summit thus became a forum wherein different understandings of global responsibility clashed. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao emphasised the principle of ‘common but differentiated responsibilities’, and thus that China should be treated as a developing country. Premier Wen said that it was unjustified to ask developing countries ‘to undertake emission reduction targets beyond their due obligations and capabilities in disregard of historical responsibilities, per capita emissions and different levels of development’.12 China called for a greater say for developing countries towards their ultimate parity with the developed world.13 The Copenhagen Summit hence symbolised the rapid rise of emerging powers on the world stage. The aforementioned examples illustrate that the normative preferences of emerging powers have shaped crucial issues in global governance. Emerging powers such as China, India, Russia and Brazil will have seats at the international high table, and bring to it the new rules of the game.14 At the same time, the international community faces many challenges, such as climate change and financial crisis, which cannot be solved by the Western powers alone. 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