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In this paper we examine the distribution of clitic pronouns in Greek restrictive relatives introduced by the complementizer pu. After presenting the two major analyses of relative clauses in the literature (that is, the operator analysis and the raising analysis), we go through the advantages and the disadvantages of the proposal put forth in Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou (2000) who offer a raising analysis in the spirit of the antisymmetric program of Kayne (1994). Having pointed out many weaknesses in both analyses, we conclude that a mixed (matching) analysis to relativization (see Chomsky 1965, Sauerland 1998) offers both theoretical and empirical benefits. As to the distribution of the clitic, we observe that the analyses of the phenomenon up to date i) have made an unnecessary distinction between the pu- and the opios- relatives, and ii) have ignored the parameter of D-linking of the relative phrase, a parameter that seems to be responsible for many of the 'curious' aspects of resumption in Greek relative clauses.
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