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Taking my cue from clitic doubling constructions primarily in Balkan languages where this phenomenon is prevalent, my goals in this paper are to show that: (i) clitic doubling is a form of differential object marking; (ii) clitic doubling is the spell-out of agreement with a (+given) XP; (iii) clitic doubled indefinites are non-novel indefinites; (iv) the restrictor of 'all'-quantifiers is always 'given'; (v) generalized quantifiers are formed in two steps, crucially involving an intermediate DP-layer as the complement of the quantifier head; (vi) the XP in (ii) is invariably a DP; (vii) the person-case constraint is in effect differential object marking.
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