Gradual constraint-ranking learning algorithm predicts acquisition order

Paul Boersma · Clara C. Levelt

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Language Development and Disorders Reading and Literacy Development Phonetics and Phonology Research

Abstract

or-VCC)" ONSET "don't produce vowel-initial syllables (V-)" *COMPLEXCODA "don't produce complex codas (-VCC)" *COMPLEXONSET "don't produce complex onsets (CCV-)" A single faithfulness constraint is involved. It militates against deleting or inserting segments: FAITH "realize lexical segments; don't realize non-lexical segments" In the initial state of the child's grammar, all markedness constraints are ranked above the faithfulness constraint (Gnanadesikan 1995). Faithfulness then gradually rises in the hierarchy, overtaking the markedness constraints one by one: first *CODA, then ONSET, then (variably) *COMPLEXCODA or *COMPLEXONSET, and finally the remaining one. In the end, faithfulness is ranked on top and the child masters all syllable structures. 3 The frequency hypothesis On the

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References

1998Learnability in Optimality Theory 2004Markedness and faithfulness constraints in child phonology 1997How we learn variation, optionality and probalility 2000The Acquisition of Syllable Types

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