Abstract Three-year-old Danny and his mother are putting together the pieces of a puzzle. Danny places a piece in its correct location. Immediately, he looks up to his mother, smiles, and says “Oh! I did it!” Looking up from her work, his mother smiles and says “You did it!” Danny claps his hands, after which his mother applauds and says, “That’s great!” (Pride exhibited by U.S. child and mother). Mother asks 3-year-old Lin to sing a song for guests. After she finishes, with smiles and exaggerated expressions, the guests say, “Wonderful! You sing nicer than my child!” Mother replies, “Haihao, she is O.K. Her voice is kind of off the tune, though. But she likes to sing.” To Lin, “You did all right, but now you need more practice. Play down your success!” (Chinese mother and guests reacting to child’s song). Reactions of college students to compliments about their class presentations in science (Chen, 1993): “Thanks. I feel good about it. I’m so glad you enjoyed it” (American students). “No. It’s not that great. I didn’t do it well. I know I bored you. I’m embarrassed” (Chinese students). These vignettes depict typical emotional reactions to accomplishment in American and Chinese children and adults. In so doing, they not only show the very different ways in which socialization agents react to children’s accomplishments in the United States and China, but they also illustrate typical developmental outcomes spawned by these practices. The third set of responses described in the vignettes demonstrate differences in the ways in which American and Chinese adults respond in the context of being praised for producing worthy outcomes. The modal response in Americans is to accept praise and even to express their own pride in their accomplishments. In contrast, the modal response to praise among Chinese individuals is modest self-effacement and embarrassment (Chen, 1993). The first two vignettes suggest ways in which American and Chinese parents socialize these disparate emotional orientations. Parents of children in the United States tend to praise their children’s accomplishments and encourage positive self-expression (Mascolo & Harkins, 1998; Stipek, 1995). In contrast, in the presence of their child, Chinese parents often make effacing remarks to others about their children’s efforts. Guests and relatives, however, generally lavish praise on the child, often effacing their own children in the process.
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