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Collins and Postal (2014) have thrown new light on the relation between negation and complementation in contexts that either do or do not permit NEG-raising; in particular, that there are two types of polarity items differing in whether they require NEG-raising for long-distance licensing by negation. Strict items (such as English all that and various other NPIs) require clause-mate licensers, which may undergo NEG-raising to a higher clause (by means of a syntactic transformation) whereas non-strict items (such as any) may also be licensed by negation originating in a higher clause. In this chapter I review the evidence for such a distinction, arguing against a syntactic solution in terms of Neg-Raising, and proposing that the matrix predicate type is relevant for licensing embedded polarity items not only in cases of Neg-Raising, but also in questions. Using a corpus of polarity items in English and Dutch, I discuss various complications that arise in long-distance licensing, including interaction with modals and idiomatic readings of embedding predicates.
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