Early African Ivories

Abstract

Based on archaeological excavations conducted in the 1970s by Merrick Posnansky in Begho (Ghana), this paper outlines a new cluster of early African ivories located in central Ghana.1 This group dates from the same time of other clusters widely recognized by the literature on early African ivories, such as those located on Serra Leoa,2 Owo, Benin, Calabar, and Kongo.3 Ivories belonging to some of these clusters are well documented in historical sources of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, including records in European collections as early as the mid-sixteenth century. Fragments of other ivories were found in archaeological contexts dating from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, namely in Portugal (Manso, Casimiro and Gomes 2021) and Ghana (Posnansky 1976). When compared against each other, the internal cohesiveness of these clusters becomes clearer, as well as their differences.We structured this paper into three sections in order to present our arguments for outlining Ghana's cluster of early African ivories. First, we discuss the position of Begho in the trans-Saharan trade and how it fostered the development of local industries, including the production of small ivory objects. Second, we present evidence for considering the two fragments of side-blown ivory trumpets found by Posnansky in Begho as a product of the Akan peoples4 and we rebut the arguments of Ezio Bassani, who classified them as a subset of the Kongo cluster (2008: 35–38). Our reasoning stems from the relevance of Posnansky's archaeological findings and from a deeper stylistic analysis of these objects. Third, we contrast Ghana's ivory trumpets with trumpets from other early African clusters—namely Serra Leoa, Benin, Calabar, Kongo and another cluster in West Africa whose specific location remains undetermined, in order to strengthen the idiosyncrasy of Ghana's ivories.5This paper's main argument is anchored on Merrick Posnansky's archaeological work conducted in Begho in the 1970s. In 1972, during excavations in Begho, at the Brong quarter, Posnansky's team found two fragments of the distal ends of side-blown ivory trumpets outside of what appeared to be a house wall, in a stratigraphic level corresponding to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Fig. 1).6 Both were thoroughly described, illustrated, and interpreted in a paper published in 1976 that covered the origins of the Akan peoples (Posnansky 1976).7 Located immediately to the north of Ghana's forest area, Begho was the largest town in the region prior to European contact (Posnansky 2013: 65). This settlement was established in the beginning of the second millennium, but grew more rapidly after 1350, both as a marketplace and a manufacturing centre of ivory, among other commodities (Posnansky 2013: 66). It was abandoned in the early eighteenth century, when the pressure of Atlantic trade caused a decrease in the flow of trans-Saharan trade in Ghana (Posnansky 1973: 158, 1976: 51, 1979: 53; Stahl 1999: 72; Austen 2019). Begho emerged along with other trade towns such as Bima, Ahwene Koko, and Bondoukou, all of them privileged contact zones for Mande and Akan language groups, as well as Muslim and non-Muslim individuals (Posnansky 1973: 157). Most of Mande traders who crossed the savanna from the Sahel brought their pack animals up to the entrance of the forest in the south, exchanging rock salt and copper-alloy objects and ingots produced in the Mediterranean basin for kola nuts and gold mined in the Upper Volta.These settlements in the forest's fringes of Ghana had fertile soils, regular rain, abundant game, iron ores, and elephant ivory, benefiting from natural resources generated both in the savanna and the forest. Integration of these areas into the trans-Saharan world is evidenced by a wide array of cultural traits.8 Of all these settlements, Begho was the most important southern terminal of the caravan trade, where animal portage shifted to human portage (Stahl 1991:251).9 The forest was an ecological and epidemiological barrier that protected merchants arriving from the north, particularly against trypanosomiasis (transmitted by the tsetse fly) and other tropical diseases (Posnansky 1973: 155). Similarly to what has been documented in some major entrepots of the Sahel, and in other forest areas, such as Igbo Olokun, in the ancient city of Ile-Ife, in southwest Nigeria (Babalola 2019), local industries included metallurgy of iron, glass beads, ceramics, textiles, and carved ivory ornaments, namely bracelets for local use and interregional trade (Posnansky 1973: 158, 1976: 51–53, 1979: 53).Concerning the production of small ivory objects, Begho was not an isolated case. In Dawu, in southeastern Ghana, archaeologists recovered several fragments of twenty-four ivory bangles, dating probably from the fourteenth to fifteenth century (Stahl and Stahl 2004: 89). In New Buipe, on the Black Volta River, archaeologists recovered three spatulate ivory objects decorated with dots and circles in seventeenth century contexts (Stahl and Stahl 2004: 89). At Elmina, on the coast, several fragments of ivory bracelets and what appear to be stamps for body decoration were recovered from secondary fill deposits, making it difficult to date them (Decorse 2001: 138–40). Finally, at Kuulo Kataa (Banda), in west central Ghana, thirty-six bangles, seven pins/combs, and two blanks were recovered, made from elephant and hippo ivory, some of them revealing the same decorative solutions—incised parallel lines, circles, and dots—all dating from ca. 1300 to ca. 1650 (Stahl and Stahl 2004: 90–93).10The relevance and extension of long-distance trade in Ghana is quite clear when we consider the material abundance of thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth century large copper-alloy metalwork of high prestige documented in several historical shrines, royal palaces, and mausoleums, some of them still in situ (Posnansky 1973: 158, 1976: 51). Although the imported copper-alloy ingots were melted down, outstanding imported vessels were preserved for their status and use value. Some of these objects are well documented in Ghana, namely six large brass bowls and basins made in Mamluk Egypt in the fourteenth and early fifteenth century and three very large English bronze ewers of ca. 1390–1400. These objects are/were kept in Nsawkaw, about 20 km east of Begho; Atebubu, about 150 km east of Begho; Timponem, about 40 km southeast of Begho; Amoaman, about 120 km southeast of Begho; and, for the English ewers, Kumasi, near Amoaman. Despite their poor state of conservation, particularly the loss of the bowls' silver and gold inlays, these objects are eloquent testimonies of Ghana's full integration in trans-Saharan trade and the global networks it provided (Silverman 2015, 2019: 257, 259). We can conclude, therefore, that Ghana was totally embedded in long-distance trade and that it had the resources and skills to develop local industries of ivory production, long before the Europeans arrived and opened this territory to the Atlantic trade.The two fragments of side-blown ivory trumpets, found by Merrick Posnansky's team in 1972, measure 15.3 cm × 3.2 cm and 9.1 cm × 2.3 cm (Fig. 2). They clearly share structural and formal characteristics, in addition to having been found next to each other in a sixteenth-seventeenth century context. First, they are decorated only with transversal incised lines, small circles, and dots. Both have their mouthpieces carved on the concave side of the trumpets, near the distal end, which is plain and possesses a rectangular shape without any relief signalling the aperture.In the smaller of the two fragments the mouthpiece is located at some distance from the tip, which is clearly separated from the body of the trumpet, constituting a truncated-cone volume. In the shorter fragment, the tip is decorated with incised parallel lines in both extremities, two at the top and three at the base. In the longer fragment, however, the tip seems to be absent from the instrument, something that is less evident in the drawings than in the photos made by Posnansky's team. In its present state, the mouthpiece seems to have been carved almost at the instrument's distal end. The decreasing diameter of the instrument's body, toward the narrower solid extremity, wrongly suggests that this extremity corresponds to the tip. It is precisely at this narrower point, roughly at the same distance from the mouthpiece, that a truncated-cone-shaped tip is carved in the shorter fragment. This explains why this trumpet's mouthpiece is so close to the supposed tip and why the separation of these adjacent areas is made by a band of parallel lines with four incised circles framing both extremes, instead of recurring solely to parallel incised lines.Posnansky considered that these side-blown ivory trumpets were another example of the cultural transfers brought by the Mande to the Akan world, who were responsible for introducing to the region similar systems of weight, brass-working knowledge, building methods, and ceramic forms used in the Western Sahel (Posnansky 1976: 56). The aniconic decoration of these ivories, in line with contemporary African Islamic values, seemed to reinforce his theory. Posnansky believed that the absence of animal and vegetal ornamentation could be an influence from northern Muslim traders, mirroring the stylistic similarities between local pottery and Sahel and Sudan pottery (Posnansky 1973: 53). This interpretation has two limitations. On one hand, available material evidence of early African ivories from Mali and present-day Ghana is too scarce to test this hypothesis. On the other hand, we must remember that other African clusters of early ivories (namely in West Central Africa) were also markedly aniconic and such aniconism had nothing to do with the influence of Islam. In this particular point, we think that Posnansky suggested this interpretation mainly to reinforce his arguments about the origins of the Akan peoples, emphasizing the strong cultural and demographical contribution made by people coming from the Sudan belt, namely the Mali empire (Posnansky 1976).11 In contrast, Posnansky is absolutely right in pointing out the structural similarities shared by these two fragments with nineteenth and twentieth century undecorated ivory trumpets used in the region by the Asante, emphasizing the royal and chieftain ceremonial use of these instruments among the Akan (Posnansky 1976: 53–54; Kaminski 2007: 63–65, 2012).The ivory trumpets now discussed as having been created in Ghana were grouped by Ezio Bassani as a subset of the Kongo cluster (2000: 80, 152, 2008: 35–38). Before he was aware of Posnansky's findings, Bassani had already identified a small group of ivory trumpets presenting the same stylistic and structural traits of the two fragments from Begho (Bassani and Poplin 1982). The first is a large ivory trumpet measuring 83.3 cm preserved at the Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle in Paris. This is probably the same object described in detail by Louis Daubenton in 1764 as a piece displayed at the King's Cabinet (Fig. 3). The second trumpet is about the same size (83 cm) and is kept at the Danish National Museum (Fig. 4). It is very likely the same described in 1737 as belonging to the Danish Royal Kunstkammer (Bassani and Poplin 1982: 6–8). Bassani related these two objects to an Italian watercolor painted by Domenico Tencalla before 1666, which illustrates two ivory trumpets from the Museum Septalianum in Milan (Fig. 5). One of them—the largest one—is clearly identical to the previous two analyzed by Bassani, while the other is typical of what Bassani classifies as ivory trumpets produced in the Calabar region. This watercolor has an inscription of two sentences, written at the time of the probably by the of and the of from he a large of The to which they use in the of to in of the smaller with a carved with in (Bassani into the clear of the largest trumpet, Bassani this small group of ivory trumpets to the them as a subset of the Kongo Bassani also considered that they similar truncated-cone-shaped (Bassani and Poplin 1982: the between the two are quite The from the Kongo trumpets are and have while those from Ghana are plain and have a truncated-cone The from Kongo a small after the tip, an absent from the Ghana In the mouthpiece of the Kongo trumpets is and is than the of the in clear contrast with the mouthpieces from Ghana, which are plain and have a rectangular shape without any Finally, the Kongo trumpets have at one carved near the distal end, on the concave and a second one near the end, while those from Ghana do not any in Bassani was not aware of Posnansky's archaeological he had to the of the In however, Bassani with the two fragments recovered by Posnansky and recognized the similarities between them and the trumpets that he grouped as a subset of the Kongo cluster (Bassani 152, 2008: 35–38). instead of his Bassani to out these archaeological findings as of a local production in Ghana and suggested that these objects were brought to Ghana between the Kongo and the (Bassani 2008: Bassani clearly the archaeological evidence and not a more analysis of these trumpets, more to the inscription and to the of the Finally, Bassani not consider the in early of African the to the of an to most African of as from Benin, before that a West African work of was not wrongly identified as it probably be to the Kongo In other prior to as a used with the same that the be after that In seventeenth century it was more to African to the of the regular of in and, to the large of in Kongo Most of them were and some were after by including in where this of be at in those where the not have of the he he was one of the main in early African ivories, in the of The by Merrick Posnansky of local production has been the formal and structural between these two fragments and the ivory trumpets to Kongo were not into not only Bassani the relevance of Posnansky's in situ findings, but he also not the between the trumpets from Ghana and those belonging to European written sources from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century up the of a use of ivory trumpets in this region Kaminski at the very beginning of seventeenth century, up to and and at the of the eighteenth century and is evidence of a of production and use of ivory trumpets, related to the of and as of do not for of a clear for the trumpets a of their to the of in of and of the mouthpiece, as well as in of decorative their which can be in the of such a cultural as the Akan a of the of evidence available in these is solid to the local of the fragments found by the by was major in the of early African ivories from the with by Ezio Bassani and among the of most of these were conducted after the Africa and the in in in New and the of Ezio Bassani and whose included an of ivories classified as (Bassani and of a among some of these namely in of the the location of the the and development of these has been order to the Ghana cluster from other early African we must their main characteristics, ivory Serra the first cluster of early African ivory trumpets produced of the This cluster was first identified by who suggested that a large group of ivory salt trumpets, and similar stylistic traits had their origins in this main argument was on the formal similarities between in this territory and the human in several ivories of this also suggested that the and stylistic in these European and African namely be by the regular of in the in the of the and the This was precisely what to the as an which be as trumpets produced in this cluster the European of with the mouthpiece opened in the smaller of the object and with several carved along the concave side of the trumpet (Fig. These trumpets in and European and and and to a These were with the of and with and large among other of local are more than ivory trumpets of this preserved in and collections all the world (Bassani and Bassani evidence published by and location of this cluster in the Serra ivories have been by most from ca. to ca. from ca. to ca. (Bassani and royal from the time of and has a considering that the cluster in to ivories made in the Serra in a The location and extension of the Serra cluster has also been discussed in In its narrower Serra was the that the to the located to the of the with an high in its it could all the from the in at to the to the already in the of classified as in early European sources were also carved ivories, very by the early sixteenth century up to the southern of the in in the of it is not that the Serra ivories were produced only in the of the in of the as suggested by addition to these ivory trumpets, mainly produced for is evidence of other trumpets produced for local These to side-blown trumpets, with the mouthpiece carved on the concave side and with a In contrast with those made for of these trumpets has Bassani (2000: has some of these trumpets present strong stylistic with particularly the one preserved at the in (Fig. and another one kept at the in cluster of early African ivories is not only for its ivories, namely salt and but also for its ivories produced for royal such as the two and of preserved at the Museum and at the Museum of than ivory are to this which are by their with shorter decorated with and longer bowls in a in its extremity It also of two instead of as is in Serra is also quite from the Serra with more of and (Bassani and very ivory trumpets can be to In only three objects are one is at the Museum in (Fig. a very one is at the and a is in a (Bassani of them are carved in very relief local decorative with European namely such as the and the of and isolated of and (Bassani and These objects have the same decorative found in salt made in Benin, but their are clearly on the same European used on Serra ivories. The mouthpieces of these ivories are plain and very similar to the of the Ghana the mouthpiece of ivory trumpets from was carved on the side of the trumpet, a of trumpets in Despite the similar of the mouthpiece, in Ghana's trumpets the is made on the concave side of the and is located near the tip. Finally, the from are carved in the shape of with to these trumpets were for local to the absence of local Calabar cluster of early ivory trumpets was as such by Ezio Bassani in Bassani was the first to the idiosyncrasy of a large of side-blown ivory trumpets from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Fig. which are by the absence of and by rectangular mouthpieces located almost at the of the These trumpets are carved in relief and have a of namely lines and animals from with (Bassani Despite their and with some objects identified up to it is not that is his arguments for this cluster in the Calabar in the of are anchored in formal and similarities with objects in this area, namely carved and and vessels made of and (Bassani The similarities by Bassani are quite particularly those the in the from which is from to this region. Despite what have been a of cultural in this and other has not been on the historical to the of these In contrast with and Serra Leoa, are other of vessels with this ivory what the of these objects, however, Bassani is clearly In the already watercolor painted in ca. 1666, two ivory trumpets kept in the Museum in one of the objects is from this a clear about the of these In one trumpet of this group preserved at the and documented at the of the early eighteenth century, has a inscription carved in its that it was in use in the when it was into a by the addition of a and (Bassani into their and these two Bassani that all these trumpets were produced between the sixteenth and early seventeenth century by the same and during a of time (Bassani have already to some of the of the Kongo ivory trumpets when we have compared them to the from Ghana in of the shape of their distal the of their and the of (Fig. these side-blown ivory

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