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BACKGROUND: Orthopaedic surgery is the least-diverse surgical specialty based on race and ethnicity. To our knowledge, the impact of this lack of diversity on discriminatory or noninclusive experiences perceived by Black orthopaedic surgeons during their residency training has never been evaluated. Racial microaggressions were first defined in the 1970s as "subtle verbal, behavioral, and environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults to the target person or group." Although the term "microaggression" has long been established, more recently, as more workplaces aim to improve diversity, equity, and inclusion, it has entered the medical profession's lexicon as a means of describing the spectrum of racial discrimination, bias, and exclusion in the healthcare environment. QUESTION/PURPOSES: (1) What is the extent of discrimination that is perceived by Black orthopaedic surgeons during residency? (2) What subtypes of racial microaggressions (which encompasses racial discrimination, bias, and exclusion) do Black orthopaedic surgeons experience during residency training, and who are the most common initiators of these microaggressions? (3) What feedback statements could be perceived as racially biased to Black orthopaedic surgeons in residency training? (4) Are there gender differences in the reported types of racial microaggressions recalled by Black respondents during residency training? METHODS: An anonymous survey was administered between July 1, 2020, and September 1, 2020, to practicing orthopaedic surgeons, residents, and fellows in the J. Robert Gladden Orthopaedic Society database who self-identify as Black. There were 455 Black orthopaedic surgeons in practice and 140 Black orthopaedic residents or fellows in the database who met these criteria. Fifty-two percent (310 of 595) of participants responded. Fifty-three percent (243 of 455) were practicing surgeons and 48% (67 of 140) were current residents or fellows. Respondents reported their perception of discrimination in the residency workplace using a modified version of the single-item Perceived Occupational Discrimination Scale and were asked to recall any specific examples of experiences with racial discrimination, bias, or exclusion during their training. Examples were later categorized as different subtypes of racial microaggressions and were quantified through a descriptive analysis and compared by gender. RESULTS: Among survey respondents, 34% (106 of 310) perceived a lot of residency workplace discrimination, 44% (137 of 310) perceived some residency workplace discrimination, 18% (55 of 310) perceived a little residency workplace discrimination, and 4% (12 of 310) perceived no residency workplace discrimination. Categorized examples of racial microaggressions experienced in residency were commonly reported, including being confused for a nonphysician medical staff (nurse or physician's assistant) by 87% (271 of 310) of respondents or nonmedical staff (janitorial or dietary services) by 81% (250 of 310) of respondents. Racially explicit statements received during residency training were reported by 61% (190 of 310) of respondents. Thirty-eight percent (117 of 310) of such statements were reportedly made by patients and 18% (55 of 310) were reportedly made by attending faculty. Fifty percent (155 of 310) of respondents reported receiving at least one of nine potentially exclusionary or devaluing feedback statements during their residency training. Among those respondents, 87% (135 of 155) perceived at least one of the statements to be racially biased in its context. The three feedback statements that, when received, were most frequently perceived as racially biased in their context was that the respondent "matched at their program to fulfill a diversity quota" (94% [34 of 36]), the respondent was unfriendly compared with their peers (92% [24 of 26]), or that the respondent was "intimidating or makes those around him/her uncomfortable" (88% [51 of 58]). When compared by gender, Black women more frequently reported being mistaken for janitors and dietary services at 97% (63 of 65), compared with Black men at 77% (187 of 244; p < 0.01). In addition, Black women more frequently reported being mistaken as nurses or physician assistants (100% [65 of 65]) than Black men did (84% [205 of 244]) during orthopaedic residency training (p < 0.01). Black women also more frequently reported receiving potentially devaluing or exclusionary feedback statements during residency training. CONCLUSION: Perception of workplace discrimination during orthopaedic residency training is high (96%) among Black orthopaedic surgeons in the United States. Most respondents reported experiencing discrimination, bias, and exclusion that could be categorized as specific subtypes of racial microaggressions. Several different examples of racial microaggressions were more commonly reported by Black women. Certain feedback statements were frequently perceived as racially biased by recipients. CLINICAL RELEVANCE: To better understand barriers to the successful recruitment and retention of Black physicians in orthopaedics, the extent of racial discrimination, bias, and exclusion in residency training must be quantified. This study demonstrates that racial discrimination, bias, and exclusion during residency, wholly categorized as racial microaggressions, are frequently recalled by Black orthopaedic surgeons. A better understanding of the context of these experiences of Black trainees is a necessary starting point for the development of a more inclusive workplace training environment in orthopaedic surgery.
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