The Cloth That Eats Money: Ṣeghoṣen as a Symbol of Prestige

Abstract

In August 2019, Ajibade Gbadegesin Ogunoye was installed as Ogunoye III, the 32nd Olọ́wọ̀ of Ọ́wọ̀ and Paramount Ruler of Ọ́wọ̀ Kingdom.1 The steps leading to his coronation involved numerous ceremonies and ritual acts that transpired over more than two weeks. Several variations of attire were required over the period of intense ritual activity. On the day of his investiture (September 8, 2019, seventeen days after his installation), Ogunoye was crowned with the coral bead ade (crown) selected for the occasion from the collection of royal headwear in the palace (Fig. 1). The crown was topped by the urere oken, the tail feather of the bird associated with royalty among many Yoruba groups, perhaps the African Paradise Flycatcher, a tiny forest bird with long white tail feathers (okin in Yoruba but oken in Ọ́ghọ̀). Beads of office around his neck, wrists, and ankles were noticeable as he danced before the joyous people of Ọ́wọ̀.2 Two elaborate ape (dancing swords) made for the occasion bore his name along with the lion and unicorn emblem in cutout designs. Two large cloths called ipanmeta3 (each made of three panels of locally woven, blue-striped fabric) crossed over each other, one tied on the left shoulder, the other on the right. The crossed panels covered an elaborate ensemble of a tunic or gown (ewu egha) over trousers (efa), also crafted from panels of local women's weave in the pattern known as ṣeghoṣen.Neither of the textiles here, the blue-striped cloths or the elaborate ṣeghoṣen, are considered “royal,” but each carries deep meaning. The indigo-striped panels are significant to Ọ́wọ̀ history and to the textile industry of Ọ́wọ̀. Similar striped fabrics have been used over time as uro (wrappers), drapes such as ipanmeta (three-panel cloths worn as togas) and ugbero (cloths woven to mark the Ero celebrations marking the retirement of a man from public responsibilities), gele (head tie), and uborun (stole). Historically, almost all cloths of ritual significance are woven by women. It is the ṣeghoṣen cloth used here for the Olọ́wọ̀'s ewu egha and efa that is the focus of this article. The textile has been referred to as senwonsen by Yoruba researchers not attuned to the Ọ́wọ̀ (or Ọ́ghọ̀) language (Akinwunmi 2005; Asakitikpi 2005; Lamb and Holmes 1980).4Ṣeghoṣen is the most admired and the most expensive of cloths produced by women in Ọ́wọ̀.Ṣeghoṣen has been esteemed for countless years, and in spite of the availability of imported fabrics, its value as a cultural icon continues into the twenty-first century. Over the last half century, changes in its manufacture and in its use as prestige clothing have taken place. In the 1970s and earlier, ṣeghoṣen (or any cloth woven by women) was never cut and tailored. It was used whole as wrappers, head ties, or stoles by women or wrapped toga-like by men. Today it is sometimes cut and used as fabric for sewn and constructed garments, and it has even been used in the construction of purses, handbags, briefcases, backpacks, and shoes. It is not just the use of ṣeghoṣen that has expanded, but the visual appearance and process of production have changed as well. A greater range of color combinations has been introduced, and the manufacture of cloth is no longer limited to older Ọ́wọ̀ women as it was in the past, since younger women and those of other ethnicities have been allowed to weave cloths previously considered out of bounds for young weavers.While ṣeghoṣen continues to be the textile of choice to indicate wealth and position, it has also become a symbol of Ọ́wọ̀ identity for those in the Ọ́wọ̀ diaspora, whether they have moved elsewhere in Nigeria or live abroad. In the process, the name for the cloth has changed as well—from ṣeghoṣen to keghojo, as will be explained.Dress is a means of communication. What one wears and how it is worn tells others who we are and who we associate with. What we choose to wear talks about our position among others and how we relate to them. It communicates something about our view of the world and how we perceive our own position in the scheme of things and our place within our community. Justine Cordwell observed, “The most important form of aesthetic expression to the Yoruba is clothing and its accessories. They have elevated the importance of dress to the point where they laughingly say, ‘We have always been born clothed’” (Cordwell 1983: 58). The Yoruba have long worn elaborate dress to proclaim their standing within the social order. Ruth Boyer observed that what a Yoruba man wears not only lends visual splendor but is also indicative of social prestige. She notes that a man covered in rich and voluminous handwoven cloth “demonstrates one means of achieving status in a society known for its emphasis on conspicuous display of economic means” (Boyer 1983: 42). She observes that the proverb “Greetings on the spending of money,” eku inawo, reflects the reality in Yoruba society that a man who has wealth must spend it to gain the admiration of his fellows (Boyer 1983: 42).These general observations about dress among Yoruba peoples is especially true in the far eastern portion of Yorubaland where a similar greeting in the Ọ́ghọ̀ language, eku unagho, means precisely the same thing. Individuals with wealth display their prosperity through attire and especially by displaying a variety of textiles in that dress. Such conspicuous display is not only appreciated by on-lookers as appropriate, but it is considered necessary.Poynor noted that traditional dress and textiles in Ọ́wọ̀ were “significant for their roles as markers of social and political rank, indicators of ritual importance, and as symbols of wealth and prestige” (Poynor 1980: 47). And it was cloths produced by women that were required for many rituals and celebratory events.Rowland Abiodun suggests that significant individuals essentially perform dress. The saying, “Aṣọ là n?kí a tó ki ènìyàn” (“We greet Aṣọ before we greet its wearer,”) bears witness to the importance of dress among the Yoruba. In considering dress, Abiodun asserts that dress can redefine the spatial architecture of a performance arena and that dress, performance, and time cannot be separated. The self, he observes, is transformed and redefined through dress, which is an essential component of one's iwa, the essential nature of a person or thing (Abiodun 2014: 142). Regalia can be considered important components of the performance of dress, and handheld ojects discussed here are extensions of dress, thus being greeted by onlookers as well as greeting them.Women have always been the primary weavers in Ọ́wọ̀, and the looms used by women are different from those used by male weavers. Moreover, the resulting fabrics are distinct from those crafted by men. The women's loom in the past was made of uprights (igi ofi) planted in the floor of the veranda (Fig. 2). Horizontal beams (egboro) attached to the tops and at the bottoms of the igi ofi provided a place for wrapping the warp threads to begin the weaving process. Three sticks (obiri) made of the midrib of the palm frond were positioned into a pair of thin ropes looped over the top egboro and under the lower egboro (Fig. 3a). The warp threads were strung over the top, through the three obiri to create a number of sheds through which the shuttle (otu) would pass (Fig. 3b). These ordinary sheds were used for warp patterns. Further sheds could be created by manipulating asa or additional string heddles that could be pulled as in and created patterns. The looms used by women were to the looms used by male weavers. the in the past on the floor of the in a as to to on the of the the the traditional igi ofi of and beams was being by looms (Fig. The loom was to be the of the on which it was a moved to could the loom and it with to The uprights were constructed of of with The egboro was two that each and were in place by The egboro could thus be or for different of the of the was no different from that for the older position in to the the on a weave was produced in of that were sewn to create a textiles produced by women are of two to three in and about The is by the the two the a portion of the the warp threads that a portion of the weaving under the lower egboro to the of the thus the weaving of the cloth at a to on (Fig. weave a place of value in Ọ́wọ̀ and weave in ritual and significance (Poynor 1980: 47). weaving has long been associated with Yoruba cloth production in and in Ọ́wọ̀ it is the women's loom and women's weave that has been more are to the loom and to its the loom associated with at in the was referred to as the or the that weave only been imported from the in the the were in but it was that in Ọ́wọ̀ was of whether it or looms were on the of many at the and in the they the for in his that of the women at that time in Ọ́wọ̀ were weavers and that the of Ọ́wọ̀ cloth was that from the must have been the crowned Ogunoye the indigo-striped along with the crown and coral he his to the past of the And it was women weavers who made the striped which were noticeable as the Olọ́wọ̀ he those cloths for the celebratory that the ensemble that been constructed for his coronation was ewu egha and efa (Fig. The of the the of the and the lower of the were in of and the of the ensemble that would the of the of Ọ́wọ̀, perhaps by other was the textile on which those were The of the cloth is by a pattern in the of the also the and cloth in the form of an uro gele (head tie), and uborun to with the coronation of (Fig. the time he the crossed striped also worn a of the same pattern of blue-striped is women's one called ṣeghoṣen senwonsen that is the of this article. the has been on its by and Asakitikpi to the especially of in its Lamb and Holmes the cloth in we the deep admiration people of Ọ́wọ̀ have for the how it to and in the and how it has to a of Ọ́wọ̀ are created by women in Ọ́wọ̀, each with a name (Fig. ṣeghoṣen on the is a and the cloth with the elaborate is the most of more than imported or and it is the cloth that is most associated with in Ọ́wọ̀. it is worn by and it can be worn for celebratory by who can It is as to those who to live and it is as to and from ṣeghoṣen is used in many as it was over a half cloths used as wrappers, drapes such as ipanmeta and head ties, and it has been transformed as and have to cut it as fabric for sewn In at a it has been to to create for a far from its place of the changes that place in it importance as an of position, and or identity with the of the cloth was produced with imported in of or that with the or The on created a that the of the crossed to a The pattern of is by and or on each of the the the or threads and the for the were for the most produced was sometimes used for the of the with heddles is one of the for in weaving the warp not create an warp threads are and tied in to the to a number of sheds required for the of the weavers in the that the ṣeghoṣen required the use of or string heddles (Fig. who to and textile and at in and is of the Ọ́wọ̀ that can weave ṣeghoṣen with or of the of asa will only in the local of Ọ́wọ̀ have that in the past it to a of the would have the of the in for the the of the the of or asa required for the and the weaving of the has to the time required to a of cloth by the is in Ọ́wọ̀ as an that was not for any In the of the cloth is a and person who and It was to be worn by and women of position and status on joyous such as the of and observations and and among other social that it would be limited to those who could the pattern has long been associated with position, and many prestige cloths in Ọ́wọ̀, ṣeghoṣen is not associated with any or but can be worn by who has the means to is by its which was as cloth that all the money,” cloth that the or cloth that the the cloth woven by women was through ritual and just could weave A number of were to young from weaving The was to the of the cloth and to a of women were to be to the to weave the which even older women to It was that younger weavers would to the weaving than the process involved in its production and the prestige value to the were for the production of any cloths that be woven for cultural or social and especially for was the for the of the She to be and especially was a cloth for ritual to before to She could not be and was from the time the cloth was being the process, and were not allowed into the women who were not were allowed even to the weaving of such cloth and on the It was for such ritual cloths to be woven in a that only been or the day for the to be and that the was not allowed to the day to be each such as and and were at the to the and in as the cloth was being and of ritual cloths were to male or they were to to that to the use of the A most Ọ́wọ̀ ritual cloths on the of the person who to wear to but also to with the before and the of the ritual was as a of and thus women were to wear or even a number of Ọ́wọ̀ ritual observes that the associated with the weaving of ṣeghoṣen have been in of their only has time many of the on weaving and but older weave than in the 1970s and only have younger women to weave cloths previously for but weavers from the of Ọ́wọ̀ and others have moved into to traditional women's weave to the of the for the produced on the the younger have to and in weaving It has become to since its production is no longer and many weavers in its production only have younger women and those of other ethnicities to weave the but ṣeghoṣen is being made in a variety of on or is created as in the past, but on on white on on royal white on white on on on have been with changes in production and color combinations a in its to that of other Ọ́wọ̀ traditional ṣeghoṣen has the which to or a than as the older name The ṣeghoṣen, say, a name was It is that even with a it the ṣeghoṣen is a prestige it is not a cloth woven for ritual but it can be used for such a man three panels of ṣeghoṣen to create an a long to the The resulting cloth was worn tied over the left by older men. as III, the of the for the for his and for the he a traditional ipanmeta of ṣeghoṣen with on a (Fig. In this the ipanmeta is tied on the cloths could also be used for such as the of the or of through Ọ́wọ̀ to the on the day called the of the (Fig. woven drapes tied on the left from the of dress in produced of the ipanmeta worn by the are those worn in by the in and and out in the in that they wear elaborate and ṣeghoṣen choose to wear ṣeghoṣen to mark ritual as by Olọ́wọ̀ Ogunoye (Fig. and the (Fig. In one of the that Ọ́wọ̀ in a with for his as of the Over that he a ipanmeta of ṣeghoṣen (Fig. The indicate the ritual nature of the in which the the ṣeghoṣen has been worn as over the and of the as is the and of the a it can be used to a variety of his as the of of Ọ́wọ̀, he an of on ṣeghoṣen (Fig. he his as by for a and his white garments, but the traditional and ṣeghoṣen was used to his and for a to the white of the range of color has also the of to with ṣeghoṣen on such The of an ipanmeta in a more the of his their in the Ero the in the would wear the out in an made of ṣeghoṣen, in and with that the of the ṣeghoṣen (Fig. The who as a general before on the of would be of the importance of a III, been in in as in Nigeria and in many roles as for the he as a he as of three of the of and the of In than a before his Olọ́wọ̀ and for a at the of In his he to his as at the also to wear ṣeghoṣen with it (Fig. In an ensemble of ewu egha and efa created with ṣeghoṣen, he this most of Ọ́wọ̀ textiles to the in in the of the of and his (Fig. a and head to the ṣeghoṣen worn by the the use of ṣeghoṣen is associated with Ọ́wọ̀ which on the the cloth is woven in a a than that of Ọ́wọ̀ and its but well within the of what the would have in its weavers from of Ọ́wọ̀ have moved into Ọ́wọ̀ to weave cloths for people of the In a of ṣeghoṣen in of Ọ́wọ̀. A number of to the in also use a about of Ọ́wọ̀, the would have been under the of the in its was of the in after the of (Fig. the in Nigeria and the of is with the of on to and women on in a ṣeghoṣen which on the in which older the ipanmeta on the left only wear the esteemed but a large ṣeghoṣen is used as a the of and the also as a of for from of Ọ́wọ̀. the who was of the of of Ọ́wọ̀ in for the and at Olọ́wọ̀ an ipanmeta of and ṣeghoṣen to (Fig. On the same the the of the of was a striped in the he the ṣeghoṣen, the was the striped an In a on the the of a from the Olọ́wọ̀ of Ọ́wọ̀, ṣeghoṣen on the (Fig. textile is by no means limited to and with means can use ṣeghoṣen for any It is especially for and of for dress, and the has the will dress The of has long been associated with Yoruba that the of his of observes to as a in the dress of the would be at as a of the Such elaborate by all the in of the also the from the the person of from those of lower or for a of means to their one than the most elaborate and expensive local cloth for In the the of Over days of and the and in the to the in for the they in indigo-striped women's weave over white with was the for the at the the at and the at they ṣeghoṣen for the (Fig. on numerous over days provided a of and as the and their to and long his of in has out same is true for Ọ́wọ̀. the occasion of the the of the for of to the and thus the clothing worn at and have long as a means for such to be with a to the of the and the status of the at the same time the and of the and to be used to such such as and other social as means for the of the celebrations and to the to and the of the the same time of such can their and own of the as well as for the of the and the of the of and on each day to the of the of the of Ọ́wọ̀ own in the century, the Olọ́wọ̀ to to the was for dress as the only in the before the and to the as a in the of the into the and the of in to with a significant of A days of cultural for and a by the of a and numerous other not only but of the and of the who was referred to as an in all the a The of the was with and of fabric along The in which of the and through the of Ọ́wọ̀, the and long of their and of the and made to their in a on the the of was from on to be taken with in a and by a of and ṣeghoṣen (Fig. the the of the changed into over which woven and white traditional ritual cloth for were On the day of the the and at for the where the of local have always required of celebrations to to Ọ́wọ̀ through dress as many choose to wear in traditional and for the gele and uborun for the they for the of ṣeghoṣen for and for A in point is the of who from Ọ́wọ̀. to and of ṣeghoṣen for the taken by (Fig. In the the wears a dress of ṣeghoṣen with pattern on a royal head and are of the The wears a and constructed from the same royal have called for dress in Yoruba On significant are with as to by to the and of the for an by Three (Fig. of uro and is by an uborun and gele of and such for more and of more especially in the to for more of The young in in a as of in was of to Olọ́wọ̀ III, the to in is to position the in a more the required for to the by in She wears a than a dress not wear the traditional and the uro is positioned under in and of in Ọ́wọ̀ are ṣeghoṣen has taken on significance in the as a of Ọ́wọ̀ identity and an of status and prestige Such are used on social and by (Fig. has a Ogunoye has and and his (Fig. have And the has over such as those in numerous and are by many on women of position wear ṣeghoṣen as a traditional with a also a and head of ṣeghoṣen with on a with a (Fig. the on such an occasion is different from that of a younger such as (Fig. The was the investiture of Olọ́wọ̀ III, as the of the of and the of the of of his to and to and in The occasion with the of the in the occasion in was with that which his was in a in the as observed the in is that which would be of a of the past, weave could be cut and but it was the to cut cloth woven

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