Abstract The relatively high level of carnivory in living humans compared to other extant primates has long been a subject of anthropological, archaeological, and evolutionary discussion. Some have assigned enormous ecological, behavioral, and cognitive or social significance to more meat-eating (e.g., Ardrey 1961), while others have either questioned its empirical base (e.g., Binford 1981) or consider it to be little more than a minor ecological shift or addition to the hominid dietary base that remained stubbornly based on gathering (Dahlberg 1981). In recent years there has been a vigorous debate on issues related to the timing and nature of early hominid meat-eating, arising from Isaac’s food-sharing (Isaac 1978) model, Binford’s (1981) and others’ critique, and subsequent methodological and empirical developments (Bunn 1981; Potts 1984; Blumenschine 1986; Rose and Marshall 1996).
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