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Between 1981 and 2001, the proportion of loneparent families went from 11% to 16%. These families also accounted for more children 18 and under in 2001—21% compared with 14% in 1981. Being a parent is not easy, and heads of lone-parent families face the same challenges as other parents but often with less financial resources. In 2000, the beforetax annual income of two-parent families was nearly $78,800, compared with only $27,700 for lone mothers and just under $44,000 for lone fathers. 1 While lone mothers in 2000 were almost five times more likely to have a low income than mothers with spouses (43% versus 8%), the proportion was lower than in 1980 (52%). However, improvements were not observed for all age groups or education levels. And, among lone fathers, who represent a growing portion of heads of lone-parent families, low income increased, going from 16% to 20%. For them also, the pattern was not uniform. Even though their lowincome rate was half the rate for lone mothers, it was more than double that for fathers with spouses (8%). Low income has a major impact on many aspects of life, including well-being, work, friendships, health, and even longevity and crime. It is also likely to influence the future of children in affected families, reducing their chances of going on to postsecondary education (Acemoglu and Pischke 2001). This in turn may limit their future earnings potential and with it their chances of escaping from low income. Using the 1981 and 2001 Censuses, this article examines changes in the characteristics of lone parents. It looks at their earnings and the proportion in low income by age group and education level, and compares them with parents living in a couple relationship. Changes in low-income rates for full-time, full-year workers are also examined (see Data source and definitions). Women heading lone-parent families A phenomenal increase in educational attainment The increase in lone-parent families has led to a sizeable rise in the number of lone mothers since 1981. In 1981, there were 330,000 lone mothers aged 25 to 54 with children aged 18 or under, compared with 555,000 in 2001, an increase of 68%. In comparison, the number of mothers in couple relationships rose 3% to 2,788,000 (Table 1). The profile of mothers changed greatly during this period. Like the rest of the population, they were slightly older than in 1981. The average age of lone mothers rose 0.9 years compared with 1.8 for mothers with spouses. In addition to general population aging, other factors probably contributed to the aging of mothers. These include the later entry of women into conjugal relationships and having a first child later in life (Zukewich and Cooke-Reynolds 2003). Lone mothers had fewer children than mothers in couple relationships, although the average declined for both groups. Lone mothers were still more likely to have only one child (half compared with one-third for women in couple relationships), and large families were less common in 2001 for both groups. One of the most marked changes was women’s educational attainment. In 1981, 46% of lone mothers (compared with 42% of those with spouses) had not completed high school. By 2001, this proportion had fallen by more than half to 22% (17% for mothers in couple relationships), mainly in favour of high school completion and university education. A majority of all mothers had studied at the postsecondary level, in both 1981 and 2001. But overall, lone mothers had less education than mothers with spouses in 2001.
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