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In this paper we present a new way to analyze the development of double definiteness in Norwegian. Instead of analyzing the emergence of double definiteness as a change of the status of the definite marker, we propose that double definiteness emerges due to a different ordering of adjectives in Old Norse and Modern Norwegian respectively. This, we claim, has several advantages, among others because it allows us to account for certain movement differences between Old Norse and Modern Norwegian, which have proven difficult to handle. It also means that the change in question can be reconciled with a formal approach to grammaticalization, where this change represents an instance of the Late Merge Principle.
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