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relatively early life—far earlier, certainly, than they learn left-right. In this research, however, children's knowledge front-back has been tested simply by asking them to point to or otherwise identify the front and back objects having distinguishable front-back features. The ob ject most commonly used is the child's own or another's body. Young children pass this sort test quite easily. In a separate study (Harris & Strommen, 1971 ), children between the ages five and ten were asked, Where is your front? and Where is your Nearly all the chil dren immediately pointed to their abdomens or chests and then to their backs. When they were asked, How can you tell your front from your back?, about 90% mentioned either being able to see the front and not the the presence the eyes or the on the front, or the distinct physical characteristics the abdomen or chest and for example, 'Cause the front's 'jiggley' and the back's hard. Originally, then, the basis for children's acquisition the front-back distinction seems to rest on the fact that there are distinct physical and functional dif ferences between the front and back their own bodies. But has the child really mastered the concept simply because he demonstrates that he knows his own or another's front and back? This demonstration by no means exhausts the possibilities for the concept. We also could ask, what does he understand in front of or in back of to mean with respect to a relation between two bodies? Does in front of mean face to face, or face to back, or something else? And what objects which have front-back features but, unlike animal forms, lack eyes or faces? Does the child's understanding front-back for, say, chairs and vehicles parallel his understanding for animal forms?
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