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When, in 1998, 18 Policy Action Teams (PATs) were set up to ‘fast track’ policy initiatives in the most deprived neighbourhoods three key aims were cited (Education and Employment Committee, 2001). First, to work exibly with local unemployed people and employers. Second, to help overcome barriers preventing jobless people taking up nearby vacancies. Third, to act in a coordinated manner in light of local circumstances. The very presence of PATs has been about taking into account local circumstances as policy of cers try to ‘join-up’ the many regeneration programmes in existence. Likewise, reports from the National Strategy for Neighbourhood Renewal have clearly identi ed a problem in the way public sector professionals engage with those communities in need of regeneration (Social Exclusion Unit, 2000). Joining-up initiatives and widening participation are in many ways a re ection on the limits to regeneration and its ‘management’ as experienced by many local communities. If these developments represent what Oatley (2000) calls the resurrection of managerialism in revitalizing deprived neighbourhoods, then surely the way we conceptualize and put into practice regeneration ‘management’ needs to be considered in much more detail than at present. This is not to argue for more management in regeneration but to critically consider what it is that is being managed and to question what the processes of management in regeneration are achieving and what they are displacing. Why this has become such an important matter now is due to the many intermediaries acting in the eld of regeneration. The desire to put communities at the centre of regeneration is severely challenged by the need to put into operation schemes that work. Regeneration managers have to pay attention to ‘what works’ and this can quite easily con ict with other aspects of regeneration. What Matters Is What Works? – The Management of Regeneration
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