National Pride in Comparative Perspective: 1995/96 and 2003/04

Abstract

The world is primarily organized in nation states, i.e. sovereign, geo-political entities organized around one main nationality or ethnic group. National identity is the cohesive force that both holds nation states together and shapes their relationships with other states. National pride is the positive affect that the public feels towards their country, resulting from their national identity. It is both the pride or sense of esteem that a person has for one’s nation and the pride or self-esteem that a person derives from one’s national identity. National pride is related to feelings of patriotism and nationalism. Patriotism is love of one’s country or dedicated allegiance to same, while nationalism is a strong national devotion that places one’s own country above all others. National pride co-exists with patriotism and is a prerequisite of nationalism, but nationalism extends beyond national pride, and feeling national pride is not equivalent to being nationalistic (Smith & Jarkko, 1998). The International Social Survey Program (ISSP) conducted studies on national identity in 1995/96 and 2003/04. In the first round the study was carried out in 24 countries (counting the East and West German regions separately), and in the second round it was fielded in 33 countries (including the two German regions).1 In both rounds two batteries on national pride were included. The general national pride scale consists of agree–disagree statements about patriotism and national pride. The wordings of five of these items common to both rounds are presented in the Appendix to this article. With all but the second item reversed coded, they form a scale running from 5 for those with the lowest general national pride to 25 for those with the highest. The domain-specific national pride scale consists of 10 items (see Appendix for wordings). Pride in each domain is rated on a 4-point response scale running from very proud to not proud at all. The domain-specific national pride scale counts on how many domains one is very proud and ranges from a low of 0 (least pride) to a maximum of 10 (most pride).2 The two national pride scales are moderately correlated (r = .399 in 1995/96 and .336 in 2003/04), but there are some clear conceptual differences between the scales. The domain-specific measure assesses positive feelings towards national accomplishments in specific areas, but is not overtly nationalistic, imperialistic, nor chauvinistic. The general national pride measure has a much harder edge to it. Three items explicitly assert that one’s country is superior to other countries and another item places national allegiance over moral judgments. Or to put it another way, the domain-specific, national pride scale is nationally affirming without being necessarily hegemonic, but the general, agree–disagree, national-pride scale places one’s nation above other countries. Because of these substantive differences, the rankings of countries on these two scales only correlate .74 in 2003/04. Table 1 shows the rankings on general and domain-specific national pride. Venezuela leads on general national pride and finishes second on domain-specific pride, while the USA scores first on the latter and second on the former. The other country consistently near the top is Australia which ranks third on both scales. Looking at average rankings on the two scales shows that settlement colonies tend to both rank high and to top their mother country. Former English colonies (US, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand) all place in the top third and are well-above Great Britain at 19th position. Likewise, ex-Spanish colonies in Latin America (Venezuela, Chile, and Uruguay) and the Philippines also almost all rank in the top third and all exceed Spain at 17th place. Austria in fourth place is the only European country to rank in the top third. Ex-Socialist countries (Hungary, Slovenia, Russia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Latvia, and the former East Germany), with the exception of Hungary, all fall in the bottom half and the former East Germany holds the bottom position. Likewise, East Asian countries (Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan) all are in the bottom half. The bottom placement in 33rd place of the former East Germany and the former West Germany’s finish tied for 28th position indicate that the war guilt that has been shown to suppress German national pride in the past is still operating (Smith & Jarkko, 1998). The next-to-bottom rank of Latvia reflects both the depressed status of national pride in ex-Socialist states as a group plus a large non-Latvian minority (see discussion below of majority/minority groups). Sweden’s low placement reflects the fact that Swedes tend to associate national pride with nationalistic extremism and racism.3 Ranking of countries on general and domain-specific national pride for 2003/04 Note: The Spearman rank-order correlation between General national pride and Domain-specific national pride for 2003/04 is .736 and significant at .01 level (2-tailed). Ranking of countries on general and domain-specific national pride for 2003/04 Note: The Spearman rank-order correlation between General national pride and Domain-specific national pride for 2003/04 is .736 and significant at .01 level (2-tailed). The rankings of countries on general national pride were quite stable over the last decade with a rank order correlation of .93 (Table 2). In 13 of the 21 countries general national pride rose. The position of countries on domain-specific national pride was less stable (rank-order correlation = .82) and national pride decreased in 13 of 22 countries (Table 3).4 One of the clear exceptions to this overall downward shift was an increase of 0.89 points in the USA which also moved from second to first position. Research immediately after the September 11 2001 terrorist attacks indicates that domain-specific pride soared and has remained elevated since in response to the terrorism (Rasinski, Berktold, Smith, & Albertson, 2002; Smith, 2005; Smith, Rasinski, & Toce, 2001). Reactions to terrorism may also explain the other two large increases in domain-specific pride in the Philippines and Australia which also suffered notable terrorist attacks either directly or indirectly (i.e. the Bali bombings that killed many Australians).5 Ranking of general national pride between 1995/96 and 2003/04 Note: The Spearman rank-order correlation between 1995–96 and 2003–04 among 21 countries where General national pride items are asked in both rounds is .932 and significant at .01 level (2-tailed). Ranking of general national pride between 1995/96 and 2003/04 Note: The Spearman rank-order correlation between 1995–96 and 2003–04 among 21 countries where General national pride items are asked in both rounds is .932 and significant at .01 level (2-tailed). Ranking of domain-specific national pride between 1995/96 and 2003/04 Note: The Spearman rank-order correlation between 1995–96 and 2003–04 among 22 countries where Domain-specific national pride items are asked in both rounds is .818 and significant at .01 level (2-tailed). Ranking of domain-specific national pride between 1995/96 and 2003/04 Note: The Spearman rank-order correlation between 1995–96 and 2003–04 among 22 countries where Domain-specific national pride items are asked in both rounds is .818 and significant at .01 level (2-tailed). Looking at the two scales together, national pride consistently grew in the USA, Australia, Hungary, the Philippines, Spain, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia and dropped on both measures in Austria, Japan, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, and Latvia. The other countries showed mixed trends. Gender has only a weak and variable relationship with national pride (details available from authors). It has statistically significant associations in only 10 of 33 countries on general national pride and 15 of 34 countries on domain-specific national pride. When relationships are significant, men usually express more national pride than do women (in 9 out of 10 cases and 13 out of 15 cases, respectively, on general and domain-specific national pride). Only in France, Great Britain, Switzerland, Taiwan, and the USA do men show significantly more national pride than women do on both measures. Also, in most countries, national pride is greater among the dominant cultural group and lower among minority groups (Dowley & Silver, 2000; Smith & Jarkko, 1998).6 This presumably comes from the stronger numerical and cultural identification of the majority group with the nation. On general national pride, the majority group expresses significantly more pride than the minority in 13 countries and in 12 countries there were non-significant differences in that same direction. The only statistically significant reversals were the greater pride among the Maori than the European group in New Zealand, the greater pride among the Muslims than non-Muslims in the Philippines, and the greater pride in the southwest regions (Honam) than in the remainder of Korea. Domain-specific national pride showed a similar, but more moderate, association. Statistically significant differences occurred in 12 countries and the majority had more national pride in 10 of these countries. The two exceptions were once again the Philippines and New Zealand. Age-cohort is strongly and consistently related to national pride (contact authors for details). General national pride significantly varies by age-cohort in all countries. In 29 countries general national pride is greatest among those aged 70+ (i.e. born in 1933/34 or earlier), in four countries it is highest among those aged 60–69, and in one country among those in the 50–59 age group. In 27 countries general national pride is lowest or tied for lowest among those under 30. Domain-specific national pride shows a similar, but weaker, pattern. Statistically significant associations appear in 17 countries and those aged 70+ express the most national pride in 11 countries and those aged 60–69 in five countries. The only outlier is Russia in which those under 30 had the highest domain-specific pride. Previous research indicates that these differences represent cohort effects (Smith & Jarkko, 1998). National pride in general and especially the more nationalistic variety declined across generations in reaction to the nationalist extremes that triggered World War II and as the intensified patriotism of that period has dissipated. Also, growing globalization in general and political integration in Europe in particular have reduced general and domain-specific pride. A lower level of education is strongly related to greater general national pride (contact authors for details). In all countries those with less than a high-school education have the most pride and, almost always, the college educated have the least. This is consistent with the greater cosmopolitanism and international orientation that tend to develop with further education. Some of this relationship is due to the lower education of the earlier cohorts, but even with age cohort controlled for, the less educated have significantly more general national pride in 31 countries (i.e. except for the Czech Republic and Latvia). Education has a much more mixed association with domain-specific pride. It is significantly related in only 14 of 34 countries. In ten of these countries the least educated had the highest pride (as with general national pride), but in four countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Switzerland, and the USA), the college educated had the greatest pride. The lowest level of domain-specific pride was spread fairly evenly across educational levels. National pride is shaped by the unique societal and historical circumstance existing in each country and by one’s socio-demographic position within each society. In turn, national pride influences people’s views on other issues. General national pride is strongly and positively associated with having a demanding sense of what is important for someone to be considered a true member of a country and with opposition to multi-lateralism and internationalism. It is also more moderately, but significantly, negatively related to supporting globalization and favorable attitudes towards immigrants. Domain-specific pride is moderately associated with having a restricted view on citizenship, but has only weak and/or non-significant associations with the other issues (see Table 4 also for some details on these measures). Clearly, general national pride, with its elements of national superiority and nationalism, has larger and more negative impacts than the more affirming, domain-specific pride has (De Figueirdo & Elkins, 2003; Hjerm, 1998). Correlations between national pride scales and attitudes toward other issues for all countries in 2003/04 p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001 Note: The true national member scale asked how important it was for being a true national member to be native born, a citizen, a long-time resident, a speaker of the main national language, a member of the main religion, a respecter of the country’s ‘political institutions and laws,’ someone who feels like a member, and having ancestors from the nation. The multi-lateralism/internationalism scale involved opposition to trade protectionism, international environmental rules being enforced, and foreigners buying land and support for domestic TV shows/movies and national self-interest. Pro-globalization included support for multi-national companies, free trade, international organizations making decisions, the power of international organizations, increased exposure to foreign popular culture, and the worldwide sharing of information via the Internet. Favorable views on immigrants included disagreeing that immigrants increase crime and take jobs away and agreeing that they make the economy better and improve the country with new ideas and cultures. Correlations between national pride scales and attitudes toward other issues for all countries in 2003/04 p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001 Note: The true national member scale asked how important it was for being a true national member to be native born, a citizen, a long-time resident, a speaker of the main national language, a member of the main religion, a respecter of the country’s ‘political institutions and laws,’ someone who feels like a member, and having ancestors from the nation. The multi-lateralism/internationalism scale involved opposition to trade protectionism, international environmental rules being enforced, and foreigners buying land and support for domestic TV shows/movies and national self-interest. Pro-globalization included support for multi-national companies, free trade, international organizations making decisions, the power of international organizations, increased exposure to foreign popular culture, and the worldwide sharing of information via the Internet. Favorable views on immigrants included disagreeing that immigrants increase crime and take jobs away and agreeing that they make the economy better and improve the country with new ideas and cultures. Levels of national pride vary notably across countries. Dominating the top third are settlement off-shoots of Europe led by the USA and Venezuela. European countries are in the bottom two-thirds with ex-Socialist countries averaging lower than other European nations. The ex-Socialist countries rank especially low on the domain-specific, national pride measure. East Asian nations fall in the bottom half with the notable exception of the ex-colonial and Catholic Philippines. Changes in national pride have been only moderate from 1995/96 to 2003/04. Rankings have been fairly stable, especially for general national pride. Absolute changes have generally off-set one another with most countries gaining a little on general national pride while losing ground on domain-specific national pride. The notable gainers on both dimensions, the USA, Australia, and the Philippines, all experienced terrorist attacks during the intervening period. National pride also varies across socio-demographic groups. This is especially true for general national pride. Gender differences are scattered and modest, but when they appear, men typically express more national pride than women do. Minority cultures also often have lower national pride than do the majority group, but there are some notable exceptions (e.g. Muslims in the Philippines and the Maori in New Zealand). Age-cohort makes a large and almost universal difference with older generations showing greater national pride. Likewise, the less educated have more general national pride than the better educated in almost all countries, but the pattern on domain-specific national pride is weaker and less consistent. In turn, general national pride, but not domain-specific national pride, is related to a more restrictive sense of what makes someone a ‘true’ member of a nationality: opposition to internationalism and globalization, and negative views on immigration and immigrants. National pride is not a simple and unified construct. General national pride with its nationalistic edge has notably different causes and consequences than the more nationally-affirming, domain-specific pride. General national pride is more closely tied to being part of the majority culture of each country and to being part of earlier cohorts raised in a period when nationalism and patriotism were more dominant and globalization and supra-national, political integration less advanced. In turn, general national pride encourages more nationalistic international and domestic policies. Domain-specific, national pride only weakly follows these patterns. How much do you agree or disagree with the following statements? Strongly Agree/Agree/Neither Agree nor Disagree/Disagree/Strongly Disagree I would rather be a citizen of COUNTRY than of any other country in the world. There are some things about COUNTRY today that makes me ashamed of COUNTRY. The world would be a better place if people from other countries were more like the COUNTRY’S NATIONALITY. Generally, speaking COUNTRY is a better country than most other countries. People should support their country even if the country is in the wrong. How proud are you of COUNTRY in each of the following? Very proud/Somewhat proud/Not very proud/Not at all proud The way democracy works Its political influence in he world COUNTRY’S economic achievement Its social security system Its scientific and technological achievements Its achievements in sports its achievement in the arts and literature COUNTRY’S armed forces Its history Its fair and equal treatment of all groups in society. Full information on the ISSP National Identity studies is available at www.issp.org For research looking at specific domains, see Evans and Kelley (2002) and Smith and Jarkko (1998). Mikael Hjerm, personal communication, December 6, 2005. There are trends on only 21 countries on general national pride because Bulgaria omitted this scale in the second round. The 2004 and 2005 terrorist attacks in Spain and Great Britain occurred after the second round of surveys. The number of countries analyzed is reduced because several countries either did not have a suitable cultural minority or failed to measure such. Contact the authors for the details on the groups used for each country.

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