A Local Encoding of Syntactic Dependencies and Its Consequences for the Theory of Movement

Abstract

Abstract. In this paper we consider the impact of the theory of phrase structure for the encoding of syntactic dependencies and, in particular, for the way movement is represented. We show that the conception of movement as copying plus deletion (the so‐called copy theory of movement) is incompatible with well‐motivated conditions on phrase structure. The alternative we develop is a local encoding mediated by percolation of selectional requirements comparable to the slash features of HPSG. The proposed local encoding of movement is superior to the copy theory in at least three respects: (i) it explains why movement must target a c‐commanding position, (ii) it can account for surprising restrictions on scope reconstruction, and (iii) it can capture patterns of interaction between different types of movement. In the first two cases, the copy theory falls short of the mark; in the third, the theory proposed here seems more parsimonious.

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