On the lack of case on the subject of infinitives in Polish

Abstract

This article addresses the question of control in Polish in the context of the current Movement vs. Agree debate and the nature of Obligatory Control (OC). More specifically, it aims to show that many phenomena which are allegedly inconvenient for the movement-based theory – such as control into infinitives introduced by a lexical complementiser and the controller's case independence of the semi-predicate or predicative adjective – can be dealt with without postulating a case-marked OC PRO. The controller's escape from a CP-infinitive is made possible by a small modification of the mechanics of the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) and the ‘derivational window’. The optionality of case transmission and case independence in certain contexts is ascribed to the optional phase-status of infinitives, the clitic-like properties of the bare complementiser and the application of the default case mechanism to semi-predicates and adjectival predicates.

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