The family models held by social workers and family policy programmes: critical remarks on gender and class perspectives

Abstract

Supporting families is one of the main tasks of soc ial work. Financial support, health or psychological assistance: social workers have to de al with families. But what are families? Which models do social workers employ when they think of a “normal family”, what do they expect of mothers and fathers? What is in their eye s “successful” parenting? On the other hand, how does the family experience itself as a cl ient? Are there discrepancies between their own understanding of the notion family and what the y think social workers expect of their family life? Empirical studies on the family model ideas held by social workers and their clients illustrate differences, e.g. the different parenting models of “natural growth” vs. “concerted cultivation” (Lareau 2003). They also sh ow us how gender and class perspectives are integrated in the different family models. Furt hermore, empirical reconstructions of the different family models held by clients and social workers show growing feelings of uncertainty among clients about their way of living family. This constrains contact and evokes shame. The article intends to open the discussion o n family models and their embedded gender and class constructions. The ability to refl ect on thinking of a “normal family” should be part of the professional toolkit of social worke rs. Preliminaries: Starting with a practical example Today the girls from the Youth Club in Reutlingen, South Germany, are going in a day trip. They’re off to the Swabian Alp s where they plan to explore the Bear Caves and then have a barbecue. Th e parents of the seven to ten year old girls were given a handout with inf ormation about the trip. They were requested to ensure that the girls were a ppropriately dressed and to provide them with food suitable for a barbecue. The bus is waiting for the girls as they arrive with their mothers. Some make their way to the bus station alone. A Bosnian mother accompanies her two daughters to the bus. She’s looked out their best dresses for the trip. T he social workers who greet the mothers and girls exchange a meaningful glance: “How are the girls going to explore the cave in those dresses?” The mo ther catches the glance and is upset. She wonders why the social workers lo ok so scruffy and asks herself whether her daughters are really in good ha nds. She hopes they’ll come back in one piece. Later on the group prepares for the barbecue. The gunpack the food they’ve brought: sausages, chops, vegetables, bread . Mandy, the daughter of a lone mother who holds down several low-paid jo bs in an attempt to keep her head above water, opens her rucksack and f inds a packet of crisps, coke and marshmallows. She’s pleased because she lo ves toasted marshmallows and her mother packed her favourite cr isps. But Silke, one of

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