Agreement Impoverishment under Subject Inversion. A Crosslinguistic Analysis

Vieri Samek-Lodovici

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Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation Language Development and Disorders Neurobiology of Language and Bilingualism

Abstract

Agreement between Iº and inverted c-commanded subjects is never richer than agreement between Iº and subjects in specIP. More generally, spec-head agreement within local phrasal projections is never poorer than agreement across a wider distance within the clause. This generalization, argued for in detail in the next section, raises an interesting dilemma. On

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2004Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar 1987The English Noun Phrase in its Sentential Aspect 1982Issues in Italian Syntax 2003Null objects in Italian and the theory of pro 1999The typology of structural deficiency: A case study of the three classes of pronouns 1990The Informational Component 1989The Null Subject Parameter 2001Prosodic Morphology: Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction

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2014Morphosyntactic variation and gender agreement in three Afro-Andean dialects 2008Projecting Subjects in Spanish and English 2007A feature principle for partial agreement

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