Number from a syntactic perspective: Why plural marking looks ‘truer ’ in French than in Korean *

Abstract

This paper is a contribution to a general theory of grammatical number, based on comparative evidence from French and Korean, two languages whose noun phrases exhibit plural marking but otherwise differ in many respects: for instance, French has both definite and indefinite determiners which find no counterparts in Korean; and Korean, unlike French, is a generalised-classifier

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