Preschooler's ability to decide whether a photographed unfamiliar object can move itself.

Abstract

Does the preschooler's use of the animate-inanimate distinction reflect knowledge about which category types engage in self-initiated movements? Three- and 4-year-olds viewed photographs of unfamiliar objects, including mammalian animals, nonmammalian animals, statues with animallike forms and parts, wheeled vehicles, and multipart rigid objects, and decided whether each item could go up and down a hill by itself. Four-year-olds were reliably accurate about the movement potentials for each of the five classes of items; 3-year-olds ' scores were significantly above chance in all but one category. Analyses of rule use and verbalization data showed that children were concerned about cause of movement and used an animate-inanimate hierarchy. Explanations from both age groups varied, in a consistent manner, the kind of information and criteria used to make inferences as function of the type of item. We discuss how these data bear on a theory of concepts. Without reflecting on it, adults constantly make use of their implicit knowledge about the difference between animate and inanimate objects. When we fold up our umbrellas and put them in the closet, we fully expect them to be there the next time we need them. We do not expect them to have changed size or position, to have grown, eaten, fallen asleep, and so forth, in the interim. Similarly, things that look like rocks are not supposed to move on their own. If they do, we assume that they must be animate and are not surprised when they turn out to be turtles. A pattern of movement that is inexplicable for a rock is taken as commonplace for a turtle. There is a growing body of evidence that young children also use an animate-inanimate

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