Agreement at PF: An Argument from Partial Control

Idan Landau

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Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation Phonetics and Phonology Research Neurobiology of Language and Bilingualism

Abstract

Abstract Controlled null subjects (PRO) are semantically bound variables that bear morphological features. In certain environments of partial control, the morphological ϕ‐features (specifically, [person]) and the semantic value of PRO diverge. A natural explanation of the fact that the [person] feature of PRO is uninterpreted is that it is assigned at Phonological Form (PF). Given that this feature participates in agreement relations, we conclude that agreement must be (optionally or exclusively) a PF phenomenon.

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1975The Language of Thought 1996Severing the External Argument from its Verb 2011Semantics: An International Handbook of Natural Language Meaning 1999Economy and Semantic Interpretation 2000Number 2007The syntax of valuation and the interpretability of features 2020World Atlas of Language Structures 2003Infinitives: Restructuring and Clause Structure

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